Tunisia. Habib Bourguiba, Liberator and Builder
Today, August 3, 2013, the hero of the Tunisian Republic, Habib Bourguiba, the first president of free Tunisia, would have turned 110 years old.
We, journalists of Tunisia and Russia, went today to Monastir, his hometown, and participated in the ceremonies organized by the Tunisian public in connection with this date.
The funeral prayer was recited by the imam of Monastir.
The bright memory of the faithful son of the Tunisian people, the Liberator of the country, the Builder of a new Tunisia will forever remain in the hearts of Tunisian patriots.
We are publishing an excerpt from Nikolai Sologubovsky's new book “Thawra. Thirteen days that shook Tunisia. " ...
Third introduction
1956 year. Tunisia becomes independent
“Freedom of thought! It is necessary to break its shackles both in the sphere of religion and in politics ... The reformers were against despotic oppression, they fought for the emancipation of the human mind through ijtihad so that its closed gates would open.
Habib Bourguiba, first President of Tunisia, at the opening of the National Assembly of the Tunisian Republic, 20 November 1959
On March 20, 1956, Tunisia achieved independence and the “era of Bourguiba” began.
The role of personality in History is enormous. For example, the fate of the great Carthaginian commander Hannibal, who ended his life as a great architect. Here is what the historian Polybius said about him: "In what fell to the lot of both the Romans and the Carthaginians, there was the fault and will of one man - Hannibal."
It is debatable about guilt, but about will - it is right! So the fate of Tunisia is another proof. The will of Bourguiba was a tremendous force that tore the country out of the colonial past and sent it into the future. From the leader of the national liberation movement, "Combattant supreme" ("Supreme fighter"), as Bourguiba was respectfully called among the people, he became the leader of a free nation. The country lived under his leadership for three decades.
So, the day of March 20, 1956 became the date of the declaration of independence of Tunisia. And five days later, the first parliamentary elections of the young state took place. As the party that spearheaded the struggle for liberation, New Dustur received the largest number of votes and took the leading place in it, and its chairman, Habib Bourguiba, became the head of the first government. But the supreme power still formally belonged to the bey - the aged Mohammed Lamin bin Hussein.
The monarchy was overthrown a year later, when on July 25, 1957, the National Assembly (Parliament) voted unanimously to establish a republican form of government in the country. Immediately from the conference room in the direction of the Beysky palace in Carthage, a delegation of legislators set out. It was headed by Bourguiba, who politely and solemnly informed the monarch that from now on he was the same ordinary citizen of the Tunisian Republic, like everyone else. Bey took it calmly for granted. Mohammed was put in a car and taken to one of his residences in the suburbs of the capital.
This historical detail was recalled thirty years later, in November 1987, when Bourguiba himself had to hear that he was now “an ordinary citizen of the Tunisian Republic. Like everyone else ... ”The two moments of the transfer of power in Tunisia seemed very similar to journalists. Some even announced then: the "Tunisian tradition" of the democratic transfer of the supreme office in the state was born.
Battle of Bizerte
“Before me is a fighter, a politician and a state leader,
whose scope and ambition are closely within the framework of his country. "
French President de Gaulle on Bourguiba, February 1961
It is difficult for anyone who visits Bizerte in Tunisia to imagine that here, in this provincial city, there was a shock that remained forever in the memory of Tunisians and went down in the history of the struggle for freedom under the name “Battle of Bizerte”.
Having granted independence to Tunisia in 1956, France, nevertheless, did not intend to leave Bizerte, its naval base. Moreover, French troops continued to be in the country. Paris only agreed to negotiate their final departure. The evacuation was undesirable for him, since the French occupied strategic important positions in Tunisia: in neighboring Algeria, France was waging a war against the people, who had risen in arms for their freedom and rights. And in the fall of 1956, Paris took part in a triple Anglo-French-Israeli aggression directed against independent Egypt, led by the then proud President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Aggression, as you know, was stopped only thanks to the ultimatum of the Soviet Union!
The French generals did not want to lose their positions on Tunisian territory. And yet, under pressure from the Bourguiba government, the former metropolis was forced to make serious concessions - on June 17, 1958, an agreement was signed on the withdrawal of French troops from Tunisia. Only Bizerte remained as a military base, which the French stubbornly refused to evacuate. Moreover, in Bizerte, new secret underwater and underground facilities were being built, including for the deployment of nuclear weapons.
On February 13, 1960, the Sahara entered the atomic era. At the Reggan test site, France detonated a nuclear device. Two days later, on February 15, at a closed meeting of the government, Bourguiba said: "Yes, I will get involved in this battle, risking my policy ...". The "Bizerte crisis" begins, which has taken an international turn. There was a "cold war" and the world threw from one crisis to another: "Middle East", "Cuban", "Berlin", "Bizerte" ...
February 1961. Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba arrived in Paris to find a way out of the Bizerte impasse. In the Rambouillet Bourguiba palace, the same apartments were allocated in which Eisenhower and Khrushchev stayed. In a one-on-one conversation on February 29, the President of France, General de Gaulle, told Bourguiba: “We are deploying, as you know, atomic weapons. Our security conditions will change dramatically. ” He wanted to make it clear that Bizerte's question is a matter of time. By deploying nuclear missiles, France will not need a military base at Bizerte. But Bourguiba insisted, he could not wait. Why? Historians argue ...
And then General de Gaulle, during a meeting with Habib Bourguiba in the Rambouillet palace (Paris), quoted Stalin's words to him in 1945: “You know, wars always end. The defeated, the winners - that means nothing. Death always wins! "
1961 year. In July, Bourguiba sends delegations to various countries to present the Tunisian position on the Bizerte issue. Defense Secretary Ladham talks to President Kennedy and realizes that Bizerte means nothing to the United States and that the main problem for America is the blockade of Berlin.
Tunisian Foreign Minister Mokaddem is on his way to Moscow, where he meets with Gromyko, who, as a member of the Tunisian delegation Belhoja writes, "confirms his legendary equanimity." Gromyko speaks of the "anti-colonial tradition" of the Soviet Union, of Moscow's support for Tunisia's position, but adds that "the Soviet Union does not want to be a friend only depending on the conjuncture."
On August 6, Khrushchev "cordially", as the Tunisians noted, received Bourguiba's envoys and assured the Soviet Union of support for Tunisia in its "struggle against the imperialists." Then, according to Belkhodja, "he told us about the new crops and their qualities by showing ears of wheat lying on his desk."
In Tunisia itself, the situation has escalated to the limit. Bourguiba appealed to his fellow citizens to rise to the battle for Bizerte. Volunteers from all over the country and Tunisian troops sent to Bizerte began hostilities, but could not win a military victory. The French command airlifted paratroopers from Algeria, additional units and an aircraft carrier from France, and on July 22, 1961, having suffered heavy losses, the Tunisians were forced to retreat. According to official Tunisian figures, 630 Tunisians died and 1,555 were injured.
And only after the decisive demands of the Bourguiba government, under pressure from the UN and the Soviet Union, let us note that Moscow's statement that it is ready to provide "any help" to Tunisia played an important role! - Franco-Tunisian negotiations began in December 1961.
The position of the Soviet Union remained unchanged and uncompromising: Bizerte is an integral part of Tunisia, and the French must transfer the military base into the hands of its rightful owners.
The same firm position - sometimes the international situation forced them to supply Soviet military weapons and send volunteer Soviet military specialists (Algeria, Egypt, Vietnam and other countries) - was taken by Moscow in relation to other dependent and colonial countries, supporting national liberation movements ... Soviet policy led to the collapse of the colonial systems of France, England and other countries. That is why the West is still thinking about how to "punish Moscow" and "put an end to Russia." That is why Tunisians treat the Soviet Union with such sympathy, they remember the great power and its good deeds and speak with regret about its collapse ...
The result of the French-Tunisian negotiations was the signing of a "package of agreements" according to which, in exchange for the evacuation of the base, France received some economic privileges on the territory of Tunisia. The conflict was settled.
On April 10, 1963, President de Gaulle told Alain Peyreffit regarding the events in Bizerte: “Of course, we responded to the attack. It's just that this story showed the baseness of French politicians who considered it their duty to assent to Bourguiba. We started to deploy nuclear missiles. We will be able to smash Bizerte and Moscow at the same time. "
On October 15, 1963, France was forced to begin the evacuation of its troops from Bizerte.
Tunisia - "part of the free world" or "Soviet naval base"?
1968 year. The world is split into two camps. Most of the Third World countries were then waging an anti-imperialist struggle, and in this struggle they were supported by the Soviet Union, whose leaders, of course, pursued their own interests. On the other side of the "barricades" were the Western powers, which tried to preserve their colonies, and the United States, which pursued their interests and sought to occupy a dominant position in the world, weakening their Western allies and pulling countries that had freed themselves from colonial oppression to their side.
Bourguiba then repeatedly stressed that Tunisia is part of the "free world". In 1968, he stated: "We believe that the power of the United States of America is the security element that protects the world from some form of totalitarianism."
Historians cite another of his words, said at the time: “Today, some think that Russia can give a lot to the young countries of the Third World. I tell you that this doctrine (communist, author's note) is wrong and contradicts the democratic rules of the modern world. " A number of Arab leaders (Nasser, Gaddafi and others) sharply criticized Bourguiba, accusing him of "pro-American sentiments." But I would like to remind you of one historical fact. In the seventies and eighties, when the Cold War was in full swing, Bizerte became, as the Americans declared, a "Soviet naval base," which caused great discontent in the United States. Ships of the Black Sea and Baltic squadrons, performing combat duties in the Atlantic and in the Mediterranean and playing cat and mouse with NATO ships, calmly entered Bizerte. Here, in the huge dry docks, Soviet ships were repaired, the crews rested on the hospitable Tunisian soil, gained strength and again went out to carry out combat missions to resist imperialism and preserve peace throughout the world.
Despite constant pressure from NATO countries, Bourguiba was adamant: Soviet ships will always have access to all Tunisian ports. I remember how one morning all Tunisia was joyfully excited: on the roadstead of the port of Gulet, opposite the presidential palace in Carthage, there was a Soviet nuclear-powered submarine of a cetacean shape. She was so huge that all the other large ships looked like little fish. There was a holiday in Tunisia that day.
Bourguiba was neither "pro-American," nor "pro-Soviet," nor pro-Arab. " He always and in all situations was the president of the independent Tunisian Republic!
Tunisia sets course for socialism
It was in Bizerte, which became the symbol of the new Tunisia, that the New DUSTUR party held its next congress on October 19-22, 1964. It changed its name, in which the word "socialist" appeared instead of the word "liberal". According to the new charter, the Central Committee became the supreme executive body of the SDP, from among whose members a Politburo was appointed. The National Council in the structure of the party was not abolished, but it was assigned the role of a party conference convened between congresses.
The Bizerte congress was declared historic and received the epithet "The Congress of Destiny". The delegates approved a resolution defining the main goals of "Dusturov's socialism." It said that this national doctrine does not mean the extension of state control over all sectors of production, that it recognizes private property as its “social function”, that socialism “is collectivism, designed to eliminate the egoistic principle, the source of anarchy,” and “the ultimate goal collective effort is a person. " At the same time, the decisions of the congress secured the strict subordination of party and government bodies, up to the district administration, to the head of state and the chairman of the SDP in one person. Subordination from top to bottom after the 7th Party Congress began to paradoxically resemble the CPSU! The outward resemblance of the SDP of the mid-sixties with the "leading and guiding force of Soviet society" of the same time was striking. Meanwhile, the SDP did not maintain any ties with the CPSU (in contrast to the ruling parties of the countries of "socialist orientation"). Some historians explain this paradox as follows: this political system is a form of power of the “party nomenklatura”.
Why did the Tunisians choose the path of socialism? Bourguiba and his associates did not share the classical tenets of Marxism, but they attempted to create a model of "socialism with a Tunisian face" in accordance with national characteristics. Therefore, the concept of the SDP was based on such concepts as "freedom", "human dignity", "liberal democracy", "nationalization", "cooperation" and "trade union rights".
Bourguiba saw the realization of his sincere desire to raise the country and bring the people out of backwardness and poverty, to feed the people and give them work only on the path of socialist transformations. Having put an end to colonialism, Tunisia, like many liberated states, is a phenomenon of that era! - did not want to associate his fate with market capitalism, which gave rise to colonialism and brought so much evil. In addition, Bourguiba and his associates were closely associated with the Western intelligentsia, which was then largely left-wing. And what's more: a number of European countries provided a successful experience in the implementation of socialist ideas (for example, Sweden).
Liberation of a woman
“We began the reforms by overcoming the dogmatic notions that attributed the degraded position of women to the Muslim religion, declaring publicly that such statements were false, and that female backwardness dates back to the archaic customs of adat.” Habib Bourguiba
Among the reforms that glorified Bourguiba and brought him international fame, in the first place are radical measures both in terms of implementation time and importance, aimed at radically changing the position of women in society. We are talking about the family law code and a number of other regulations governing civil status and united in the Personal Status Law of August 13, 1956. This code was introduced - replacing the old Sharia norms - five months after the country's independence was declared. According to the Tunisian historian Mohammed-Hedi Sheriff, this revolutionary law, which abruptly changed the traditional way of life and marked the beginning of female emancipation with the prohibition of polygamy, turned out to be a deep social and legal reform with "irreversible consequences" and, according to the same historian, "the main business of life." Bourguiba himself.
“Let us recall the previous living conditions of a Tunisian woman. She spent her whole life locked up, as everyone feared for her virtue. She has been locked since childhood, hidden from men's eyes and not exposed to any risk. Her safety was fully guaranteed, but the woman's developmental level was very low. She was devoid of any sense of responsibility, consciousness of social importance, she was not engaged in any intellectual activity. In social terms, our society was half paralyzed, for many years before our eyes this sad sight.
This is what President Bourguiba said before the promulgation of the Code on the Personal Status of Citizens in August 1956. This document proclaimed the creation of a new type of family based on equality, solidarity and mutual responsibility of spouses.
Jihad for the economy
In part, the Tunisian choice in favor of socialism is explained by the fact that with the dominance of foreigners in the Tunisian economy: French, Italians, Germans, there were practically no national entrepreneurs in Tunisia. There were also almost no means, capital for the development of the country, and what little that was available had to be concentrated in one hands, the hands of the state. Therefore, the country's leadership had to develop a program of state management of the economy and begin its implementation in the 60s.
Let us note in passing that Tunisia developed according to plan: from 1961 forward-looking economic planning was used. Three-year, four-year, and five-year plans were consistently "laid out".
Much was done during that period: in the countryside, colonial land tenure was abolished, the peasants received land as private property, and agriculture itself was modernized. The construction of dams, canals and water pipes began. Tunisians have begun to fulfill their "GOELRO plan" - the electrification of the entire country. New state-owned enterprises started operating in industry, employing tens of thousands of people. In health care, medical care has been significantly improved, epidemics have ended.
The results of 1981 were positive: the five-year plan (1977-1981) was successfully completed, the average annual GDP growth was 6.6%, and 213 thousand jobs were created. GDP increased to 4.1 billion Tunisian dinars (in 1980 - 3.5), investment in the economy - up to 1.225 (in 1980 - 0.99), the share of private capital in the economy - up to 43% (in 1980 year - 32%).
"Learn, learn and learn!"
In 1956, 84% of the population was illiterate. The government of Bourguiba began, first of all, to eliminate illiteracy and create a system of public education. Throughout the country, the president sounded the phrase: "I will put everyone at the school desk!" The appropriations for education were sharply increased: up to 15 percent of the state budget. The administration of public education was brought under state control, and tuition fees in public primary and secondary schools were abolished.
In the mid 70s. educational reforms were carried out to Arabize education in primary schools, and the teaching of humanities in Arabic was introduced in secondary schools. However, in carrying out these reforms, Tunisians used the best of the French education system, and French is an obligatory place in the educational process.
The University of Tunis was built with the assistance of the Soviet Union, and its first teachers were Soviet and Bulgarian specialists. Many thousands of Tunisians studied professions in the Soviet Union itself and in other socialist states. So from a country downtrodden and illiterate during the French protectorate, Tunisia became the most educated country in Africa. Tunisians who graduated from Moscow and Kiev, Odessa and Leningrad, Baku and Tbilisi fondly remember their years of study at Alma Mater, in the Soviet Union.
The need for change
But good intentions don't always bring the desired results. The reforms in the form that had been conceived did not take place. In industry, from the mid-60s, the curtailment of industrialization programs began - there was not enough money. And these processes took place against the backdrop of the growth of Tunisian private capital, which was more interested in liberal rather than socialist reforms.
Already at the end of the 60s, large Tunisian landowners, merchants and manufacturers appeared, closely connected with foreign capital and acting mainly in the role of "subcontractors" - executors of orders for large foreign firms. They were doing well, bringing good profits. And the state did not have enough strength or funds to ensure both economic growth and a tolerable standard of living for the working people.
Property stratification increased sharply: in 1972, 13 percent of Tunisians (let's call them “new Tunisians”) received 54 percent of the national income, and 55 percent of the population lived in poverty. The state of inner stability that Bourguiba was so proud of was over.
In the early 1970s, unemployment began to rise. The aggravation of social conflicts led to the growth of discontent among the masses.
January 1978 was the date of the first social explosion. On January 26, 1978, the largest trade union center, the General Tunisian Union of Labor (WTOT), announced a general strike, which escalated into mass demonstrations of workers. The authorities used force.
At the same time, it became clear that the system of power required a revision - neither entrepreneurs nor workers were willing to put up with the president's authoritarianism. There was no freedom of political debate in the country, there was a strict censorship of the press, and dissent was suppressed. Bourguiba himself understood the need for change.
In the mid-spring of 1980, the prime minister was replaced by Mohammed Mzali, a supporter of liberalization. In April 1981, at an extraordinary congress of the SDP, it was decided "to ensure the reconciliation of socialism with democracy" and to allow political pluralism. The leaders of the WTOT, arrested in January 1978, and other political prisoners were released from prison. The opposition was allowed to run for parliament. On July 19, 1981, after twenty years of ban, the Tunisian Communist Party (TKP) received the right to legally operate. On the other hand, the extremist Muslim opposition, in particular, the Islamic Tendency Movement, has become more active. In September this year, this "Movement" was hit: leaders and activists, more than 40 people in total, were arrested and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.
(to be continued)
Continuing the previous photo report, from the height of the main tower of the Ribat fortress, I want to tell a little more about one of the main attractions of the Tunisian city of Monastir - the mausoleum of the famous politician and the first popularly beloved President of Tunisia - Habib Bourguiba (fr. Habib Bourguiba, arab. حبيب بورقيبة). This beautiful tomb, surrounded by several mosques, is located in the central part of the city, in close proximity to the medieval fortress Ribat Hartem, the city's medina and the Mediterranean Sea.
To begin with, I will briefly tell you about the person. Habib Bourguiba was born on August 3, 1903 in Monastir. Before his presidency, he was an active political figure advocating for the improvement of the culture and education of the country, the expansion of women's rights, the independence of the Tunisian people, social benefits, etc. In 1957, Habib Bourguiba becomes President of Tunisia and immediately embarks on the promised reforms, for which he receives deep respect and veneration among the citizens. However, in 1987, the president was ousted from power during the outbreak of the "Jasmine Revolution", and 13 years later he dies at the ripe old age of 96. Habib Bourguiba was buried in a beautiful sarcophagus at the mausoleum, which began to be built during his lifetime.
The memorial complex at the foot of the fortress was built in 1963. The wide square lined with stone is a kind of alley leading to the mausoleum.
At the very beginning is located Memorial Mortars (Mortyrs Memorial) or "Memorial to the Great Martyrs", which is two identical octagonal architectural structures with columns, crowned with white domes. This memorial was built to architecturally balance the square.
The cool marble floor and shade under the arches of these structures are a real salvation for many passers-by from the sweltering heat.
On the right side of the square there is a huge monastery cemetery "Sidi el Mezri" (Сemetery Sidi el Mezri). The name of this Muslim cemetery comes from the 12th century on behalf of Imam Sidi el-Mezri. This is a sacred place for all residents of the city and it is possible to be buried here only for great services. All the graves here are white stone sarcophagi facing Mecca. In the center of the cemetery is a fairly large square crypt with a semicircular roof. This is the so-called kubba - the burial place of Imam el Mezri. It is believed that this place is able to heal sick people from any disease.
The building of the mausoleum of Khabib Bourguiba, surrounded by a beautiful fence, is located at the very end of the alley. Before him, two beautiful 25-meter minarets ascended upward, like a guard of honor. The building itself, with its golden ribbed dome, has a very interesting graceful architecture and a beautiful white and green color scheme. In addition to the main dome, the tomb has three more small green domes with golden crescents on the spiers. Inside the mausoleum, in the very center, there is a closed marble carved sarcophagus with the body of Habib Bourguiba.
Small tombs of his parents, wife and close relatives are located in the side buildings. It also houses the Habib Bourguiba Museum. It contains photographs, important documents and personal belongings of the president.
The entrance to the tomb is free, but I did not go inside for one, not very pleasant reason, and limited myself to photographing the building from the outside. The fact is that in front of the entrance to the mausoleum, groups of local home-grown "guides" are constantly spinning, who, having noticed any tourist, immediately rush at him with a proposal to conduct an excursion, buy something, or try to spin for money for photography, etc.
This is where I end, and next time I will tell you in detail about the city itself and, of course, the ancient fortress of Ribat.
The importance of the role of the individual in politics in the Middle East has always been emphasized by experts dealing with this region. Leading Russian researchers have prepared brief biographies of Middle Eastern leaders, from the "wise man of the Gulf" Sultan of Oman Qaboos bin Said to the incumbent President of Syria, Bashar al-Assad.
Monarchs, prime ministers and presidents appear before us both as ordinary people with their own attitudes and vision of the world, and as strong-willed and decisive politicians who make difficult decisions in the face of constant crises and intricacies of Middle East politics.
Habib Bourguiba
Maria Vidyasova
Doctor of History, Professor, Leading Researcher of the Research Laboratory "Ecology of Culture of the East" ISAA MSU named after M.V. Lomonosov
Tunisia was the cradle of the Arab Spring, which began in late 2010 and spread to the Middle East and North Africa region. But in Tunisia, events unfolded most bloodlessly compared to other countries in the Arab world, where violence still continues, especially in the areas of IS. This draws the attention of experts and historians to the realities of a small North African state with 11 million inhabitants and rich history.
The modern period of Tunisia's development, especially 60 years of its independent existence, cannot be imagined without Habib Bourguiba, the country's first president, who ruled it for 30 years, the “architect” of its political system.
According to the official version, Habib Bourguiba was born on August 3, 1903 (1903-2000), but there are suggestions that this happened one or two years earlier. He had four older brothers and two sisters. The father of the family, Ali Bourguiba, devoted 19 years of his life to military service. He retired in 1881, when the
a French protectorate, and the Tunisian army was disbanded. After that Ali Bourguiba settled in his hometown of Monastir. Habib Bourguiba's mother came from the Berber tribe hefasha, inhabiting the valley of the Sousse River in Morocco, some of which migrated and settled in Monastir from the 17th century. She died when Habib was 13 years old. Then he lived in the capital of the country and barely managed to move from the elementary school at the Sadykiy college to this college itself, settling in his boarding school.
In 1924, H. Bourguiba became a student at the Sorbonne, where he received a law degree. He also attended lectures by renowned Arabic philologists and the Free School of Political Science.
Shortly before returning to his homeland, he met 35-year-old Frenchwoman Matilda Lefra. In 1927 she gave birth to his son Jean. The couple returned the same year to Tunisia, where H. Bourguiba took up the practice of law.
From that time on, the young lawyer plunged into politics and gained fame as the author of articles against French colonial rule. Since 1881 Tunisia was under the protectorate of Paris. As in most of the dependent countries of the Arab world, anti-colonial sentiments in Tunisia have mixed with ideas of nationalism, tinged in Islamic tones. They were carried by a part of the traditional elite who refrained from close cooperation with the colonial authorities, the reformer ulama, as well as representatives of the middle strata who were educated in French lyceums. They were not satisfied with the secondary roles that the French authorities assigned to them, and they claimed more prominent positions in the system of administration and the economy. The activists' demands were reduced not only to equality of economic rights for Arabs and French, but also to socio-political attitudes: the restoration of the Constitution of 1861, adopted even before the introduction of the French mandate in Tunisia, and the formation of a national government. These provisions were included in the program of the Liberal Constitutional Party of Tunisia, created in February 1920, whose abbreviated name is Dustur (from Arabic for "constitution"). In the early 1930s. XX century J. Bourguiba became involved in the activities of this party.
Dustur had its cells not only in the capital, but also in the provinces. Despite the fact that its top was made up of aristocrats, including religious authorities, it was based on migrants from the poor southern region of the country.
Over time, a significant role in the Dusturov movement began to play a cohort of Europeanized youth in Tunisia, the most prominent representatives of which were the lawyer Habib Bourguiba and the doctor Mahmoud Matri. This group, which founded in November 1932 the newspaper "Axion Tunisien" ( L "Action Tunisienne), appealed to the common people of the Tunisian province, trade and craft and different social groups. At first, she tried to cooperate with the Executive Committee of the Dustur party, and in May 1933, at the next party congress, she managed to develop a joint program, including a number of socio-economic requirements. However, the disagreements on program issues and methods of struggle were so great that it became impossible to maintain the unity of the party. In addition, General Secretary Dustur and other representatives of the old leadership did not take into account the decisions of the congress on organizational issues, in fact, they ignored the leaders of the "Axion" group, who were introduced to the Executive Committee at the congress.
In September 1933, the young leaders decisively broke with the official leadership of Dustour, accusing him of "inertia" and compromise with the authorities of the Protectrate, which was expressed in a categorical refusal to put forward a slogan for the immediate granting of independence to Tunisia and a complete cessation of relations with France. Leaving the Executive Committee of Dustur, a group of "breakaways" headed by H. Bourguiba convened in March 1934 an emergency congress of the New Dustur party. It elected a new Politburo, which embarked on a course towards creating a truly national party - the Union of the Intelligentsia and the People, whose goal was to revolutionize public consciousness and prepare the ground for the development of the liberation struggle.
The split of Dustur and the creation of the New Dustur party, headed by H. Bourguiba, took place against the backdrop of an escalation of threats and repressions from the authorities of the protectorate. In September 1934, the French exiled H. Bourguiba and other leaders of New Dustour to the Sahara.
In response, a campaign of civil disobedience was launched in the country. Tunisia was swept by a wave of peasant unrest, as well as strikes and strikes in the cities.
After the government of the Popular Front, headed by Leon Blum, came to power in France in May 1936, notable changes took place in the life of Tunisia: political prisoners were released, and public freedoms were restored. J. Bourguiba and other leaders of New Dustur, who were arrested and sent to the Saharan camps, were allowed to return home.
New Dustur embarked on legal political activities. The minimum program, which was approved by the party members, focused on the struggle for the internal autonomy of Tunisia, or, as H. Bourguiba said, "for liberation in the orbit of France."
In 1937, the II Congress of New Dustur took place. The delegates' opinions on the future course of the party were divided. Opposing the maximalists, J. Bourguiba said: “One can imagine the independence of Tunisia, obtained at the price of a sharp break with France as a result of a victorious uprising ... As for the hope of our independence as a result of a European war, in which France will be defeated, I think this is ridiculous ... Even if you imagine such a thing, you don't have to be a prophet to predict that Tunisia ... falls into the predatory claws of another power. "
The congress's final resolution, which was twofold in meaning, stated that the beneficial process of developing relations with France had been suspended. Nevertheless, it is necessary to maintain regular contacts with her, to create an atmosphere of trust and sympathy around New Dustur and the Tunisian people. In the first months of 1938, marked by a sharp aggravation of the international situation (which was facilitated by the strengthening of the power of the German army, the Anschluss of Austria, confusion in the British ruling circles), there was an increase in influence
extremist elements of New Dustur, in which H. Bourguiba was on the lead, and in fact led them. In their public speeches, party leaders urged Tunisians to avoid paying taxes and evading military service. The National Council of New Dustur in 1938 adopted a tough resolution that called on the party activists "to continue the struggle against the pernicious and destructive policies of colonialism, preparing the masses for resistance."
The Second World War inflicted deep wounds on Tunisia. From the summer of 1940 Tunisia was ruled by the Vichy government. In mid-November 1942, Tunisia was occupied by Italian-German troops, and most of the French army went over to the side of the Allies, who had landed earlier in Morocco, and moved to join up with British troops to the Algerian border. The remaining part of the French army in Tunisia and the power of the protectorate were demoralized.
During the German-Italian occupation, the leaders of New Dustour and the left-wing parties, who were imprisoned in France, were quite clearly defined in their sympathies. They supported General Charles de Gaulle's "Fighting France", closely followed the successes of the Red Army at Stalingrad and, not without hope, expected that the victory of the anti-Hitler coalition in the war would open up new opportunities for Tunisia in political bargaining with post-Petinian France.
Meanwhile, the Axis powers, constantly feeling the narrowness of their socio-political base in Tunisia, sought to come closer to the new local political elite not connected with France and, above all, the most influential “radical group” of H. Bourguiba. In order to make contact with her, they released H. Bourguiba and other leaders from prison and brought them to Rome for consultations. During negotiations with Mussolini's close associates, J. Bourguiba put forward conditions that were obviously unacceptable for the Italian-German bloc: recognition of Tunisia's independence and negotiating with the Tunisian government, which will be formed after the declaration of independence. Making sure of
fruitlessness of negotiations, the Italians stopped them and placed H. Bourguiba under house arrest. Returning to his homeland in 1949, H. Bourguiba began to implement his idea, which in general terms repeated the pre-war minimum program of New Dustur. He enlisted the support of the General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT), and in April of the following year, he unveiled an Honorable Compromise with France program in Paris. It included seven points, including the "revival of the institution of Tunisian executive power", the creation [of the Grand Council] on the basis of universal suffrage of the National Assembly and the development by it of a democratic constitution, which "should precisely define the form of future Franco-Tunisian relations while respecting legitimate interests France, as well as Tunisian sovereignty. "
At this time, H. Bourguiba made many trips abroad, met, in particular, with J. Nehru and A. Sukarno, spoke from the rostrum of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. He visited Cairo twice, after which he paid a visit to King Abdel Aziz ibn Saud in Riyadh.
At the end of 1951, France rejected the demand for internal autonomy and reaffirmed that the established ties between France and Tunisia are "final", that is, the protectorate regime is unshakable. After this heavy blow, H. Bourguiba hastened to his homeland, where he spoke at rallies held under the slogan "Independence, Struggle, Jihad." On January 18, 1952, a few hours before the start of the underground IV Congress of New Dustour, which confirmed "the will of the Tunisian people to seek with all the means at their disposal to implement the principles of the UN", he was arrested. Before being sent into solitary exile on the rocky island of Galit, H. Bourguiba spent about four months in a Saharan concentration camp. The arrests of the leading and ordinary members of New Dustur followed one after another. In March 1952, all party members were seized by the police and sent by plane to the remote southern village of Kebili.
In this situation, the general secretary of the General Union of Tunisian Workers, Farhat Hashed, was promoted to the head of the national movement. Non-partisan, he nevertheless entered the urgently formed underground Politburo of New Dustur,
secretly coordinating from VTT headquarters pellag (partisan), at that time, focal. But this did not last long. Soon F. Hashed was killed. In response to this assassination, as well as to the UN General Assembly resolution on the Tunisian issue, which did not provide for the independence of Tunisia, partisans came out. They formed the core of the Tunisian Liberation Army, which, unlike the independent rebels, obeyed the orders of New Dustur and his field commanders.
In July 1954, the French government finally began informal negotiations with representatives of New Dustour. Dissolution of the army pellag was supposed to push the negotiation process, but the negotiation process resumed only in mid-March and was sluggish. At the same time, the conservative wing of Stary Dustur and a number of extremist groups opposed the "illusory internal autonomy." They were headed by Salah ben Youssef, the radical-minded general secretary of New Dustur, an adherent of pan-Arabism, who strove to achieve independence at the final stage of bargaining with France, thereby earning the laurels of the winner and relegating H. Bourguiba to the background.
By June 1955, the country had actually split into two camps — the moderately minded bourguibists and yousefists, who advocated continuing the armed struggle for independence and maintaining close ties with Arab radicals in Egypt. In an effort to eliminate the explosive situation in the country, the French authorities released H. Bourguiba and gave him the opportunity to return to his homeland. On June 1, 1955, he was greeted in Tunisia as a national hero.
On June 3, 1955, the Franco-Tunisian agreement on internal autonomy was signed. Tunisia was recognized as a completely independent state in its internal affairs; he was given the right to create his own legislature and national government. The Arabic language was proclaimed the state language. At the same time, the French government retained its jurisdiction over defense and foreign policy issues, and French troops remained in Tunisia. The agreement also provided for the creation of financial and
a customs union with France and its exclusive right to provide economic assistance to the Tunisian government.
Returning from Cairo to Tunisia, Salah ben Youssef made a speech in the capital's mosque al-Zitouna, in which he sharply criticized H. Bourguiba for a compromise with France on the issue of internal autonomy, and also rejected bourguibism as a doctrine and political strategy. Five days later, H. Bourguiba removed Ben Yousef from all posts and expelled him from New Dustur. The 5th Party Congress in Sfax, held in November 1955, approved H. Bourguiba's line and decided to dissolve all Yousefist organizations.
In the capital and other large cities, there were outbreaks of violence provoked by supporters of H. Bourguiba. The Yousefists responded with pogroms and incitement among the youth. Under the patronage of the French special services and police, the pro-Vigibist formations managed to suppress the resistance of Ben Youssef's associates, and he himself, under the threat of arrest, was later forced to flee to Cairo.
Overcoming this extremely tense crisis gave the Bourguibist leadership a historic chance to simultaneously defeat the conservative forces and the traditional elite, neutralize the lumpen-proletarian elements of the city and the backward strata of the peasantry, radicalized during the guerrilla war of 1952-1954. J. Bourguiba's grouping succeeded in rallying the Tunisian commercial and industrial bourgeoisie and the middle urban strata around a new political elite, pro-Bourguiba in their views, spreading among the population the ideas of national consensus, understood in a European manner.
The relapse of "Yousefism" greatly worried France and caused Tunisia to shorten its path from a regime of internal autonomy to independence. On March 20, 1956, France recognized the independence of Tunisia, and on March 25, elections were held for the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly (NUS). They brought an absolute victory to the candidates from the united bloc of Novy Dustur and VTST, who won 98% of the seats in the NUS. Opening his work as chairman and passing through him on April 14 the first article of the future constitution, H. Bourguiba formed a government on behalf of the bey
and immediately embarked on reforms of a secular nature, breaking the traditional social foundations. Having played on interpersonal and clan contradictions within the highest theological circles, H. Bourguiba received the approval of his most daring reform from the Sheikh-Rector of Az-Zeituna Tahar bin Ashur. Among them is the Personal Status Law, which, loosely interpreting the Sharia, strictly prohibited polygamy and introduced a whole set of new norms of family and marriage relations aimed at the emancipation of Tunisian women. Thanks to this reform, the very next year, women participated in municipal elections for the first time.
A series of secular reforms also included the elimination of Sharia courts, Koranic schools and all types of waqf, which undermined the material source of existence of the Sufi brotherhoods, put the official servants of Islam in complete financial dependence on the state and at the same time had economic expediency. Over one and a half thousand hectares of land that had not previously been an object of purchase and sale entered the sphere of the free market.
In 1956, the creation of a national army began, which was formed from among the soldiers and officers who served in the French troops stationed in Tunisia. In addition, young people with a completed secondary education (preferably a lyceum) were sent to study military affairs abroad, as a rule, to France. At the same time, on January 10, 1957, H. Bourguiba prudently issued a decree excluding the army from going beyond its direct responsibilities: officers of all ranks, as well as soldiers in active military service, were prohibited from membership in any political organization. The former partisans were not taken into the army, and only a few of them completed the National Guard (a kind of gendarmerie). The rest received remuneration in various forms: a business license, a land plot, or a nice house.
On July 25, 1957, the NUS abolished the monarchy by electing J. Bourguiba as President of the Tunisian Republic. On June 1, 1959, it approved the text of the country's constitution. On November 8, the popular presidential elections were held, in which H. Bourguiba had no competitors, and the elections to the National Assembly were a unicameral parliament.
Meanwhile, on March 2-5, 1959, the VI Congress of New Dustur was held, called the "Victory Congress" and timed to coincide with the 25th anniversary of the party. H. Bourguiba performed on it to a splash of applause. However, a significant part of the delegates expressed dissatisfaction with the fact that in the past year the leadership of the party voluntarily carried out its reorganization.
It was about the liquidation of the city and regional federations of New Dustur, as a result of which the primary party organizations became directly subordinate to its supreme executive bodies. Critics of the internal party reform stressed that it violated the principle of democratic centralism, originally laid down in the party's charter. True, a departure from this principle, which was not observed only in conditions when the party went underground, was outlined at its Fifth Congress, from which a routine tradition began: the chairman of New Dustur was elected with no alternative by an open vote of congress delegates, while 14 other members of the Politburo were elected on a competitive basis and by secret ballot. Since the line between the Politburo and the government was blurring, it was behind the scenes resolving many issues of state importance, at best bringing them up for discussion by the National Council of the party.
In the summer of the same year, a draft long-term plan "Ten-Year Prospects for Development" was released, in favor of which an explanatory and agitation campaign was launched throughout the country. It was impossible to do without it, since the structural reforms envisaged by the plan, including the cooperation of the countryside and, in turn, the ousting of private trading establishments by cooperative partnerships, hurt the interests of broad strata of the population.
The campaign was interrupted by a short but bloody armed conflict between Tunisia and France (19-22 July 1961), which refused to withdraw from Bizerte its naval and air base, one of the largest in the southern Mediterranean. Actually, H. Bourguiba did not demand her immediate evacuation. He only wanted to get a promise from President Charles de Gaulle that this would be done. de Gaulle himself was going to get rid of the costly military facility due to the task of re-equipping and modernizing the armed forces of France, but did not give a promise. This hurt the pride of J. Bourguiba, and he, having delivered an emotional speech in the National Assembly,
threw a small Tunisian army to storm the Bizerte base, or rather its extended internal communications, the selected units of which were then in the Congo as part of the UN peacekeeping force.
The French pulled up an aircraft carrier to Bizerte and landed paratroopers from Algeria on its airfield. On the streets of the city, fierce battles unfolded with their participation. As expected, the Tunisians suffered defeat in this unequal battle and many casualties, which were especially great among the volunteers summoned by New Dustur, hastily trained in the use of weapons.
The adventurous “Battle for Bizerte” by no means raised the prestige of H. Bourguiba in the eyes of his fellow citizens. Information Minister M. Masmoudi, a member of the Politburo of Novy Dustur since 1955, openly accused the president of arbitrariness. Nevertheless, he managed to shift the attention of the Tunisian public to socio-economic problems. The military base was nevertheless evacuated from Bizerte on October 15, 1963.
A year later, the 7th congress of the ruling party took place, at which it received a new name - the Socialist Dusturov Party (SDP). At the congress, the doctrine of "Dusturov's socialism" was also formalized, which assumed the cooperation of three sectors: state, cooperative and private. It was put forward back in the spring of 1962. H. Bourguiba, who completely entrusted the leadership of the economy to Ben Salah, except for the Central Bank, whose director was Hedi Nuira, who had a negative attitude to the idea of \u200b\u200ba socialist experiment, spoke in its support.
At the same congress, the party charter was changed. So, according to it, only 25 of the 54 members of the Central Committee of the SDP (the former National Council of New Dustur) were to be elected, and the rest were appointed.
In February-March 1965, H. Bourguiba undertook a large tour of the Middle East, starting with Egypt, where he spoke at the National Assembly and declared the need for "cordial rapprochement between the Arabs." On March 3, he gave a speech in Jericho to the Palestinian
refugees, which went down in history as the "Jericho Declaration". J. Bourguiba called for direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, stressing that patriotic shouts and demonstrations do not bring victory closer. The political leadership organizing the struggle must be forward-thinking and foresee the future.
Gamal Abdel Nasser at that time was hardly ready for a wide armed confrontation with Israel, but H. Bourguiba's words infuriated him. The Council of the League of Arab States (LAS) adopted in November 1965 a resolution condemning the position of Tunisia, which subsequently withdrew from work in the LAS for this reason.
Relations between H. Bourguiba and G.A.Nasser were more or less improved due to the fact that Tunisia sent in June 1967 a small military unit to help the UAR, which, however, did not reach the border with Libya, as “six days war is over.
Against this background, the apogee of "Dusturov's socialism" was observed .
Gradually, Ahmed Ben Salah concentrated great power in his hands. His activities were quite successful in terms of industrial construction, carried out according to the model of import-substitution industrialization. The creation of agricultural production cooperatives was a complete failure. The fellahi, driven into them by force, lost their land plots. In theory, they were supposed to share in the total annual profits of these cooperatives, but there was none, and the cooperators received only cash advances set at the level of the guaranteed minimum wage of an agricultural worker. And the plan for dividing them between them by buying out the "state core", ie. included in the perimeter of one or another cooperative of the French lands, nationalized in May 1964, remained an illusion. The situation was no better in the supply and marketing cooperatives organized in the areas specializing in the cultivation of olive and fruit trees.
Finally, in January 1969, Ben Salah announced the acceleration of the process of rural cooperation, which he intended to make universal and unified by autumn - in the form of industrial associations. The response to this transformation was peasant riots. As a result, Ben Salah was removed from all posts and in May 1970 was sentenced to a long prison term on charges of "high treason."
Most of the cooperatives were disbanded, and Hedi Nuira became prime minister in November 1970, aiming to encourage private businesses to produce consumer goods for export. This provided a general rise in the growth rates of the country's economy. If in 1961-1970. Tunisian GDP per capita grew by an average of 2.2% annually, then by 4.2% over the next nine years. As general secretary of the SDP, he sought to suppress all kinds of dissent. So, thanks to his tough position at the VIII Congress of the Social Democratic Party (October 1971), the "liberals" faction was defeated, advocating the restoration of the practice of electing all party bodies from top to bottom.
In February 1980, Hedi Nuira resigned. The prime minister's chair was taken by Mohammed Mzali. Since 1968, he held various ministerial posts, and in the role of Prime Minister made some positive steps, achieved a phased amnesty for the leaders of the VTTT and, most importantly, the abolition of the one-party regime. It was announced by J. Bourguiba at the extraordinary XI Congress of the SDP and began in the summer of 1981 with the legalization of the Tunisian Communist Party. Later, a number of new opposition parties received registration, including the Movement of Democratic Socialists (DDS), which emerged in 1978 on the basis of the "liberal" faction that broke away from the SDP, and is closely associated with the Tunisian League for Human Rights.
However, the hope that M. Mzali would open the doors to the winds of democracy was quickly dispelled. Since the last days of 1983, the country has been engulfed in a “bread riot” caused by the decision of the authorities to cancel - at the request of the IMF - budget subsidies for retail prices for flour, bread, and pasta.
The game ended in July 1986, when a group of ministers opened H. Bourguiba's eyes to the prime minister's mediocre leadership of the economy. The President immediately announced the resignation of M. Mzali. The country's economic situation has improved slightly under the new prime minister
Rashide Sfare, a seasoned business executive who cautiously embarked on a privatization program through the sale of state-owned shares on the Tunisian Stock Exchange.
At the XII Congress of the SDP (June 1986), he considered himself entitled to appoint all members of both the Politburo and the Central Committee of the party. H. Burgbiba vowed to suppress the Islamists and obviously decided to rely on the shoulder of the retired general Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, who began his ascent up the career ladder in the internal army intelligence and twice visited, at intervals, the head of the National Security Service. In April 1986, Ben Ali was appointed Minister of the Interior, contrary to the tradition that the Interior Ministry of independent Tunisia was headed by civilians with a secular education. For the first time, it was entrusted to a military man, albeit a retired one.
The city of Monastir was the birthplace of the great and powerful Habib Bourguiba, the first president of independent Tunisia. Bourguiba was born here on August 3, 1903. From a young age he began a movement for agitation against the French colonial authorities, for which he was arrested several times. After the end of the war, he traveled to European countries, collecting money in support of the anti-colonial movement in Tunisia. On July 25, 1957, his goal was achieved - Tunisia was proclaimed a republic, and Habib Bourguiba became its president. He carried out a number of major social, economic and political reforms in Tunisia, for which he is still revered not only by Monastir, but throughout Tunisia.
During his lifetime, in 1963, Habib Bourguiba built a mausoleum, which was intended as a burial vault for himself and his family members.
general description
The mausoleum of Khabib Bourguiba is located in the western part of the ancient Muslim cemetery. A wide alley leads to it. Of all the museums located in this small town, perhaps the most unusual monument that cannot be overlooked is the mausoleum of Habib Bourguiba in Monastir. Its appearance bears some resemblance to what mosques look like: two slender octagonal minarets of magnificent Italian limestone on either side of a huge golden ribbed dome in the center and two small green domes on the sides. Behind the golden dome is another smaller green one. Bourguiba himself (the sarcophagus is located in the main building, under the golden dome), his parents, first wife and close relatives (in the adjacent building, next to the green dome) are buried inside the mausoleum of Monastir.
Long paved paths lead to the Mausoleum of Khabib Bourguiba. At the end are two octagonal pavilions with Arabic inscriptions on the interior.
Around the main building there are beautiful corridors large enough to shelter from the scorching sun of Monastir. Along the corridors, on the sides, there are elaborately decorated columns with inscriptions in Arabic, which are also inscribed on their inner parts.
At the end of a long asphalt road, there is a beautiful gate with artistic forging. They are located in front of the building with the main entrance to the Khabib Bourguiba Mausoleum. Outside, the building is decorated with marble, stone carvings and ceramic sculptures.
The mausoleum of Habib Bourguiba has a very impressive appearance, not only from the outside, but also from the inside. The building itself was erected in a modern style - after 1963, the Manastir mausoleum was completed and expanded twice (in 1978 and 1980), until the death of Bourguiba himself in 2000.
The main sarcophagus is made of marble. It is installed in a separate room on a pedestal. This is exactly the place where the body of the great politician rests in Monastir.
From the inside, you can climb the stairs leading to the top of the mausoleum. From there, a magnificent view of the surroundings of the tomb opens. From here you can also see the golden dome up close.
Some of the president's personal belongings are kept in the mausoleum of Habib Bourguiba in Monastir. Including his desk and chair, clothes, glasses and other items. All this is located in the museum exposition, open to visitors to the Monastir mausoleum.
Here you can see several of his portraits taken in different periods. The special appearance of the buildings of the mausoleum of Khabib Bourguiba has been used more than once as scenery for films. Especially for those who are set in ancient times. The doors of the mausoleum are open to visitors every day, there is no entrance fee.
Habib Bourguiba (French Habib Bourguiba, Arabic, Pronounce abb Brqba, August 3, 1903, Monastir, Tunisia - April 6, 2000, ibid.) - Tunisian statesman and politician, the first President of Tunisia from July 25, 1957 to November 7, 1987.
In the 1920s he worked as a lawyer in France. Returning to his homeland, he began to take an active part in the anti-colonial movement: in 1934 he became one of the founders of the “new party“ Destour ”, which led the movement for independence from France. He was arrested several times and driven out of the country by the colonial authorities, and eventually proceeded to negotiate with them. On March 20, 1956, Tunisia was proclaimed an independent state, on July 25, 1957, the monarchy was abolished, and Bourguiba took over as president.
Since coming to power, he considered his main tasks to be the development of the economy, the conduct of a neutral foreign policy, which distinguished him from other Arab leaders, the modernization of the country's educational system and the fight against gender inequality. Established a personality cult that proclaimed him the "Supreme Fighter" and a one-party system. The end of Khabib's reign was marked by the rise of Islamism and clientelism, as well as the deterioration of his health. On November 7, 1987, the President of Tunisia for health reasons in accordance with the constitution was ousted by Prime Minister Ben Ali and placed under house arrest at his residence in his hometown of Monastir, where he died on April 6, 2000 and was buried in a mausoleum previously built for himself.
Origin
Descended from a noble Ottoman family who moved from Istanbul to the Libyan city of Sirte. In 1793, Habib's great-grandfather Muhammad Bourguiba el-Kebir moved to Tunisia due to conflicts between Libya and the Ottoman Empire and, together with his family, personal doctor, slaves and goods, settled in Monastir in the area of \u200b\u200bresidence of immigrants from Tripoli. The settlers quickly settled in a new place, Muhammad gained fame in the city as a benefactor. In 1803, Bourguiba's grandfather Muhammad was born, and with the death of Muhammad Sr. he inherited his fortune.
Years later, the ruling Husseinid dynasty began to implement costly reforms to prevent colonization and create structures similar to those in Europe, as well as to start paying off the public debt, which prompted higher taxes, and popular uprisings broke out in 1864 and were brutally suppressed. Muhammad and his brother were arrested as influential figures in Monastir, placed in a camp west of the city and released on condition that they renounce family property. At that time, the 14-year-old father of Habib Ali was taken hostage by General Ahmed Zuruk, who had arrested the brothers, who saw potential in the boy and offered Ali to enroll in the army. That same night, his father passed away, and Bourguiba's father accepted the offer.
In 1880, Ali retired and married, a year later becoming the father of his eldest son Muhammad, then four more sons, one of whom died in infancy, and two daughters. After some time, Khabib's father became the head of the "Tripoli" district and became a member of the city administration.
Early life and education
According to the official document, he was born on August 3, 1903, but later declared that he was born a year earlier, and the wrong date was the result of a clerical error made when entering law school in 1924; according to another version, the mistake was made by his parents deliberately in order to avoid conscription of his son into the army. He was the youngest of the sons in the family, was brought up surrounded by women, which later prompted him to fight for gender equality. Despite financial difficulties, the father managed to educate the children: Khabib entered the Franco-Arab school in Monastir, but soon Ali, dissatisfied with the quality of education there, in 1907 sent his son to the capital of the country, Tunisia, where he entered Sadiki College the same year , where most of the time was spent teaching the Koran. He lived in the old city with his brother Mohammed.
In 1917, together with his father, he attended the funeral of the prominent nationalist Bashir Sfar, then he met the future founder of the Destur party, who fought against colonial rule, Abdel-Aziz Salbi, who returned to the country from exile. In the same year, Khabib failed the exam in Arabic required for admission to an administrative position, and was left for the second year for the 1919-1920 academic year, however, due to hospitalization caused by food poisoning, being weakened by poor living conditions, he was forced to leave study and move to his brother Mahmud in El-Kef, where he moved with his friends and lived until January 1922. There he decided to continue his studies and wanted to study as a lawyer in the metropolis, having met understanding only from Mahmoud, and with his help entered Lyceum Carnot, where he faced discrimination against the indigenous population. Being admitted to the low-performing class, he studied well and spent a lot of time in libraries. In 1924 he entered the University of Paris, where he studied law and political science and met his first wife, Matilda Lorraine, from whom in 1927 a son, Khabib Jr. was born.