Remember when II was disbanded The State Duma?
Writing in a notebook
This law preserved the division of electors into 4 curia
Remember what?
But now the urban curia were divided into two categories, separating large entrepreneurs and merchants from the bulk of the urban population. New law radically redistributed the number of electors in favor of the landowners. If earlier 1 vote of the landowner = 3 votes of the bourgeoisie = 15 votes of the peasants = 45 votes of the workers.
But now, under the new law
That is, the elections were clearly unequal. Also, the elections were not universal. The number of deputies from the Caucasus and Poland was reduced. The population of 10 regions of Central Asia and Siberia was also deprived of representation in the Duma.
What changes did the new election law introduce into the electoral system?
The III State Duma was elected according to the new law.
In a notebook
It was the first Duma, which worked out all the prescribed 5 years.
In a notebook
Chairmen of the III State Duma - Octobrists N.A. Khomyakov, then A.I. Guchkov, then M.V. Rodzianko
Now let's pay attention to the party composition of the III State Duma (see p. 52, figure)
Which faction in the Duma had the majority?
Think about how the new electoral law affected the party composition of the Third Duma?
Remember, what was the social composition of the Octobrists?
The main goal of P.A. Stolypin - the creation of "Great Russia".
What do you think this slogan means?
Fill in the table in your notebook
The national policy of the government of P.A. Stolypin.
National fringes | Government measures |
Finland | Spring 1910 - bill "On the procedure for issuing laws relating to Finland." He actually eliminated the Finnish autonomy. |
Poland | The new electoral law reduced the representation in the Duma by almost three times. All national cultural and educational societies and institutions are closed. Zemstvo law in the western provinces. The division of the voters of the western provinces into curiae: Polish and Russian. The representation of Poles-landowners in Zemstvo self-government is limited. |
Jewish population | The persecution of the Jews. Restrictions on the admission of Jews to educational institutions. |
Checking the table along with the class.
The attitude of society towards Stolypin's policy was complex. A significant part of the population did not trust the government.
Why were the peasants unhappy?
Nobility saw in Stolypin only a destroyer of age-old foundations and a usurper of power.
Do you remember what usurpation is?
landowners they didn't need a reformer at all. They needed a sedative.
liberal intelligentsiacould not forgive military courts, adherence to autocracy, anti-Semitism.
What is anti-Semitism?
For revolutionary partieshe remained forever a strangler of the revolution, a reactionary.
Unconditionally, Stolypin was supported by the Octobrists, the bourgeoisie, part of the intelligentsia and officials. But later, the Octobrists were also dissatisfied with the activities of the Prime Minister for his indecision in carrying out political reforms. Nicholas II also ceased to support Stolypin's course.
Everyone was waiting for Stolypin's resignation. But on September 1, 1911, in the Kiev Opera House, in the presence of the emperor, Stolypin was mortally wounded by D. Bogrov. The killer was associated with revolutionary organization and at the same time was a paid police agent.
Stolypin failed to implement many of the planned reforms. All efforts were focused on agrarian reform. In the autumn of 1910, when it became clear that political reforms in the country were not expected in the near future, the opposition movement revived. Until the summer of 1914 the revolutionary movement continued to grow.
In 1912, the III State Duma completed its activities.
In a notebook.
IV State Duma
In its party composition, it almost did not differ from III. Nevertheless, in terms of its moods, the Fourth Duma was more oppositional.
Thus, the reformist path proposed by Stolypin was not fully implemented. The split between power and society could not be overcome.
§7 Political life of the country in 1907-1914.
Questions:
What are the political, social and economic reasons for the destruction of the peasant community?
How did the peasantry react to the agrarian reform? Explain the position of the different sections of the peasants.
What were the specific results of the Stolypin agrarian reform?
June 3, 1907 was dissolvedIIThe State Duma, therefore, required another transformation - a new electoral law that divided society into 4 curia:
landowners
city dwellers
Peasants
workers
But now the urban curia were divided into two categories, separating large entrepreneurs and merchants from the bulk of the urban population. The new law radically redistributed the number of electors in favor of the landowners. If earlier 1 vote of the landowner = 3 votes of the bourgeoisie = 15 votes of the peasants = 45 votes of the workers.
Under the new law
That is, the elections were clearly unequal. Also, the elections were not universal. The number of deputies from the Caucasus and Poland was reduced. The population of 10 regions of Central Asia and Siberia was also deprived of representation in the Duma.
Compared with the old electoral law, the ratio between the representation of the landlords and the big bourgeoisie has not changed significantly (previously the ratio was 1:3). On the other hand, compared with the peasantry and workers, the landowners and the bourgeoisie elected many times more deputies than before.
III The State Duma was elected according to the new law.
November 1, 1907 - June 9, 1912 - activity III State Duma
It was the first Duma, which worked out all the prescribed 5 years.
chairmen III State Duma - Octobrists N.A. Khomyakov, then A.I. Guchkov, then M.V. Rodzianko
What was the composition of the party III State Duma?
Octobrists (154 deputies), then monarchists (147 deputies).
How is it new the electoral law could affect the composition of the party III Duma?
Under the new law, the landowners and the bourgeoisie had the majority of votes. Consequently, the leader in the Duma is the Octobrist faction, which includes the landlords and the bourgeoisie. And the Trudoviks and Social Democrats were in the minority.
The main goal of P.A. Stolypin - the creation of "Great Russia".
what does this slogan imply?
Fill in the table in your notebook
The national policy of the government of P.A. Stolypin.
The attitude of society towards Stolypin's policy was complex. A significant part of the population did not trust the government.
Peasants they did not give up the landlords' lands, but offered to go to Siberia for land.
Nobility saw in Stolypin only a destroyer of age-old foundations and a usurper of power.
landowners they didn't need a reformer at all. They needed a sedative.
liberal intelligentsia could not forgive military courts, adherence to autocracy, anti-Semitism.
Forrevolutionary parties Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin remained forever a strangler of the revolution, a reactionary.
Unconditionally, Stolypin was supported by the Octobrists, the bourgeoisie, part of the intelligentsia and officials. But later, the Octobrists were also dissatisfied with the activities of the Prime Minister for his indecision in carrying out political reforms. Stolypin's course ceased to support and NikolaiII.
Everyone was waiting for Stolypin's resignation. But on September 1, 1911, in the Kiev Opera House, in the presence of the emperor, Stolypin was mortally wounded by D. Bogrov. The killer was associated with a revolutionary organization and at the same time was a paid police agent.
Stolypin failed to implement many of the planned reforms. All efforts were focused on agrarian reform. In the autumn of 1910, when it became clear that political reforms in the country were not expected in the near future, the opposition movement revived. Until the summer of 1914 the revolutionary movement continued to grow.
In 1912 completed its activitiesIIIThe State Duma.
IV State Duma
In terms of its party composition, it almost did not differ fromIII. However, according to your moodIVThe Duma was more oppositional.
Thus, the reformist path proposed by Stolypin was not fully implemented. The split between power and society could not be overcome.
Fill in the table
Usurpation - Violent seizure of power or appropriation of other people's powers
Curia - in some electoral systems: the category of voters, formed by dividing them into groups according to class, property.
Anti-Semitism - Politics, ideology of intolerance towards Jews.
1. New electoral law. Third State Duma June 3, 1907 Simultaneously with the dissolution of the Second Duma, a new electoral law was promulgated. It retained the division of voters into four curia (farmers, urban residents, peasants, workers) But the city curia are divided into two categories, which separated large entrepreneurs and merchants from the bulk urban population
The law redistributed the number of electors in favor of the landowners Now one vote of the landlord was equated: - to 4 votes of the big bourgeoisie -65 votes of the petty bourgeoisie votes of peasants votes of workers
The number of deputies from the Caucasus and Poland was reduced. The Third State Duma was elected according to the new law. The Socialist-Revolutionaries boycotted the elections.
2. Tightening national policy P.A. Stolypin considered the creation of a “great Russia” to be the main goal of the reforms. This slogan also implied integrity Russian Empire under the leadership of the Russian nation, the Government sought to eliminate the concessions that had been wrested out by the national outskirts during the revolution The government was concerned about the situation in Finland, which was striving for isolation In 1910, a bill was passed that effectively eliminated Finnish autonomy
3. Society and communication in years Stolypin's reforms The attitude of society towards Stolypin's policy was complex Anti-government sentiments were strong The peasants did not receive landowners' lands, the idea of a "black redistribution" lived in their minds The nobility saw in Stolypin a destroyer of foundations and a usurper of power
In connection with the defeat of the revolution, and the repressions that followed, all political forces should have reconsidered their tactics. At the end of 1907, a new monarchist party The “Union named after Michael the Archangel” (V.M. Purishkevich), the appearance of which was caused not only by a personal struggle for primacy, but also by a different attitude towards the Duma and the reform of P.A. Stolypin. Unlike the "Union of the Russian People", which stood for the preservation of the community and the legislative rights of the Duma, the new party supported P. A. Stolypin and allowed the Duma to be endowed with legislative powers.
After the revolution of 1905-1907, which was associated with expectations of significant socio-economic and political transformations, the Russian liberal and revolutionary-democratic intelligentsia is experiencing ideological crisis.
Liberal circles (Octobrists and Cadets) sought to adapt themselves to the Stolypin course. The Octobrists took the path of consistent support for Stolypin's reforms. But the impossibility of carrying out reforms, especially after the death of Stolypin, strengthened the opposition of the party and led to its split.
The Cadet Party was also experiencing a crisis. The position of the right wing of the party was reflected in the collection "Milestones" (1909). Its authors are 7 famous philosophers: N.A. Berdyaev, S.N. Bulgakov, M.O. Gershenzon, B.A. Kistyakovsky, P.B. Struve, S.L. Frank, A. S. Izgoev. In "Milestones" two main questions are considered: the problem of revolution in general and who is to blame for the fact that the revolution was defeated. In answering these questions, the authors of Vekhi disagreed with the main part of Russian society.
Assessing the revolution of 1905-1907. and revolution as a mode of action, the authors of Vekhi deny the social revolution as such. P. B. Struve points out that the concept of social revolution is a theoretical pseudo-concept, which in general should be eliminated from the theory community development. Berdyaev notes that there is only social evolution of greater or lesser intensity. The political revolution takes upon itself the solution of those objectively urgent tasks that the authorities cannot solve. With the fatal intransigence of the government political revolution considered inevitable. However, every revolution is inevitably replaced by reaction.
Considering the question of who is to blame for the defeat of the revolution, the authors of Vekhi answer that the intelligentsia is to blame. They refer only to the revolutionary intelligentsia as this intelligentsia. The authors of Vekhi believe that the intelligentsia, which originated in the country only during the time of Peter I, immediately became a layer alien to the people in terms of way of life and thought. The intelligentsia is blamed for: love of the people, love of the proletariat, worship of the people (especially characteristic of the populists), a negative attitude towards objective truth in the name of class and political interests. The intelligentsia is accused of "apostasy" (anti-state) - a negative attitude towards the state, the struggle for its destruction, irreligion, which leads to the denial of spirituality, cosmopolitanism - the loss of a national face, the rejection of the Russian idea. The intelligentsia is blamed for adherence to the socialist idea, which, according to the authors of Vekhi, boiled down to the idea of distribution and equalization. It is also indicated that instead of systematically educating the people in the spirit of democratic ideas, the intelligentsia kindled dark, destructive instincts in the people. From this it is concluded that the intelligentsia must repent of their sins, abandon destructive revolutionary and socialist ideas and take the path of creation.
The Socialist-Revolutionary Party experienced a most serious crisis. In 1909, the provocateur E. Azef, a member of the Central Committee, head of the Party's Combat Organization since 1903, was exposed. Proclaiming the rejection of the Stolypin reforms, the leadership of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, at the same time, attributed the layer of the prosperous peasantry who had left the community to the "working peasantry", trying to preserve their social base.
Significantly reduced the number of RSDLP. The ideological trend in Menshevism, which advocated the transformation of the RSDLP into a party of a parliamentary type, was called liquidationism (Yu.O. Martov, F.I. Dan, A.N. Potresov). At the same time, a current of Party Mensheviks (G.V. Plekhanov) arose who advocated the preservation of illegal party structures. Otzovists appeared among the Bolsheviks (A. A. Bogdanov, A. V. Lunacharsky). They considered bourgeois revolution completed, they proposed to prepare for the fight against the bourgeoisie, to pay main attention to illegal work, to recall the Social Democratic deputies from the Duma and put forward the slogan: "Down with the Duma!" Part of the Bolsheviks, led by V. I. Lenin, sharply criticized the liquidators and otzovists, considering a new revolutionary upsurge inevitable, and called for a combination of legal and illegal forms of party work. Lenin saw the doom of Stolypin's agrarian legislation not in its capitalist character, but in its half-heartedness: the landed estates remained almost untouched. In January 1912, the Prague Party Conference of the RSDLP, with the participation of Bolsheviks and Party Mensheviks, marked the demarcation of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.
Among the Social-Democratic intelligentsia, such a trend as God-building also arose (Lunacharsky, Bogdanov, Valentinov, Gorky). It was an attempt to give socialism a character religious doctrine as a form more acceptable to non-proletarian strata; an attempt to determine the place of socialism among religious systems.
Lunacharsky tried to determine the religious value of Marxism, called socialism a new religion - the religion of labor. He argued that "it is necessary to throw off the shabby cloak of gray materialism", that the proletariat needs a synthesis of materialism and religion. Exists intercom between the ideas of socialism and Christianity: the idea of justice, the condemnation of the rich, the idea of equality, the messianic idea (the messiah is the proletariat), the idea of sacrifice (Decembrists, populists).
A school was organized on Capri, which became the center of god-building. The ideas of god-building provoked sharp criticism from Plekhanov and Lenin. In June 1909, an expanded meeting of the Proletary newspaper was held in Paris, at which the god-building trends were condemned.
Activities IV State Duma
December 1912 - February 25, 1917
The numerical composition of the factions of the Duma:
right - 65,
nationalists and moderate right - 120,
Octobrists - 98,
progressives - 48,
cadets - 59,
Trudoviks - 10,
social democrats - 14,
non-partisans - 7.
In the Fourth Duma, as in the Third Duma, there were two majorities: the Right-Octobrist - 283 votes and the Octobrist-Cadet - 226 votes. M.V. was elected chairman. Rodzianko. The right-wingers in the Duma demanded increased repression, the punishment of peasants with rods, and the introduction of corporal punishment for the intelligentsia. The Cadets (the head of the faction P.N. Milyukov) introduced several liberal bills: on freedom of associations, meetings, and universal suffrage. The Trudoviks (VL. Dzyubinsky, chairman of the faction, A.F. Kerensky, the actual leader) in their declaration spoke of the arbitrariness of the Zemstvo chiefs, demanded the creation of a responsible ministry, freedom of unions and strikes, and universal suffrage. They put forward the slogan: "All the land to all the working people." But this must be achieved not with the help of expropriation, but by convening a national assembly. The Social Democratic faction was at first united, then split into Bolshevik and Menshevik factions. Bolsheviks: R.V. Malinovsky - chairman of the faction, agent of the security department, A.E. Badaev, F.N. Samoilov, N.R. Shagov, M.K. Muranov, G.I. Petrovsky. Mensheviks: N.S. Chkheidze - chairman of the faction, A.I. Chkhenkeli, M.I. Skobelev, V.I. Khaustov, I.N. Tulyakov, I.N. Mankov and E.I. Jagello. The Social Democratic faction criticized the zemstvo, financial, economic, and national policies of the government, and activities in the field of education.
The State Duma discussed issues of changing the regulations on elections to the Duma, on education, the press, the state budget, etc. The debate on the budget, mainly of the Ministry of the Interior, was especially sharp. During the discussion of this question, representatives of the factions of the Cadets, Octobrists, Trudoviks, and Social Democrats sharply criticized the government.
During World War I, the question of the need to continue the war was repeatedly raised in the Duma. The most consistent supporters of continuing the war to a victorious end were the Cadets faction.
In June 1907, Emperor Nicholas II promulgated an electoral law that introduced significant changes to political system states. The basis of the law was the division of citizens participating in the elections into four categories: the bourgeoisie, wealthy citizens, the peasantry and workers.
Features of the electoral law
Innovation in the electoral process emphasized class inequality one vote of the landowner was equal to 65 votes of representatives of the petty bourgeoisie, 260 peasants and 543 workers. The number of candidates for deputies from Poland and the Caucasus was reduced by 2 times.
regions such as Siberia and middle Asia in general, they lost their representatives in parliament, the emperor openly declared that the cultural and social level of development of the inhabitants of these territories did not yet allow them to be called a full-fledged civil society.
III State Duma
As part of the 3rd State Duma, the elections of which were already held under the new legislation, the absolute majority belonged to large landowners - 242 seats. The deputy corps consisted of Octobrists, monarchists and social democrats.
The Socialist-Revolutionaries, who had every chance of getting into parliament, defiantly ignored the elections. During the work of the Duma of the third convocation, three chairmen were replaced, but they all belonged to the Octobrist faction.
In political life State III The State Duma played an important role the last word in making decisions related to the implementation of agrarian reform.
Tightening national policy
The ideological basis of Stolypin's reforms was the creation of a cult of a single Russian people. Such a policy found support both among the people and among the deputies of the Duma. In October 1909, a faction of nationalists was created in parliament, whose members openly declared the need to fight against "foreigners."
Responsibility for the revolutionary events of 1905 was placed on the peoples of the outskirts, who de facto were among the last to enter the struggle and could in no way be the organizers of the uprisings. The nationalists and Octobrists were loyal companions of Stolypin and supported his reforms in every possible way for several years.
Nevertheless, after the tightening of the national policy, some peoples of the Russian Empire began to return to anti-government actions, which were clearly revolutionary in nature. The members of the factions refused to pursue a further policy of nationalization, as they were afraid of the outbreak of uprisings on the national outskirts.
The position of the minister worsened when the emperor himself abandoned the national policy of general Russification, who also began to be frightened by the growing national liberation movements in the Empire. Over time, it became more and more clear that the minister-reformer was waiting for an early resignation.
September 1, 1991 Stolypin was killed by one of the activists revolutionary movement near the opera house in Kiev. The murder gained a wide resonance in society - many believed that the killer was a paid agent of Nicholas II.