In the social movement of Russia during the period of reforms, the same trends that took shape in the 30-50s argued, fought for influence. 19th century before the reforms. The abolition of serfdom, the establishment of zemstvo self-government, the introduction of open, classless legal proceedings - these and other changes implemented by the authorities created a new social reality. The ideology and activities of the conservatives, liberals, and revolutionaries of the 1960s and 1990s were formed from the responses to the challenges of the time.
conservative trend. The conservatives, who were at a loss in the first years of the reign of Alexander II (1855-1881), quickly regained their influence at court. This was facilitated by the Polish uprising of 1863, the Nechaevshchina, the terror of Narodnaya Volya. The assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881 turned the conservative mindset into the official ideology of government Alexander III(1881 -1894). The most prominent representatives of Russian conservatism were the journalist M. N. Katkov and the Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod K. P. Pobedonostsev. The favorite idea of ​​the conservatives was the recognition of autocracy as the original form of Russian statehood. They rejected reforms, sharply criticized parliamentary institutions, condemned the liberals for their willingness to "learn from Europe." It was necessary, as stated in the manifesto written by Pobedonostsev in connection with the coronation of Alexander III, "to approve and protect autocratic power for the good of the people from any encroachments on it."
Liberal movement. The liberal movement in post-reform Russia did not become a serious force. There were reasons for this. The "great reforms" were initiated and carried out under the influence of the ideas that the liberals had been defending since the 1940s. (liberation of the peasants, public and classless court, freedom of printing, etc.). They did not want to and could not criticize the government or demand from it the immediate adoption of a constitution and representative government. The situation changed only in the 1970s, when the Zemstvo movement became more active. The zemstvo leaders suggested that the tsar expand the rights of local self-government, give basic civil rights, and make the "power of opinion" a real support for the "power of power." The largest representatives of Russian liberalism were K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin, S. A. Muromtsev, and others. The events of March 1, 1881 were perceived by the liberals as a tragedy. Their influence on Alexander III and power was small. Liberalism long years did not participate in politics.
Radical current. In the 60s - early 80s. it was represented by the populist movement. The basis of the ideology of populism was the theory of "communal socialism", based on the works of A. I. Herzen: the Russian peasant community with its collective land use and self-government is the germ of socialism; Russia has a unique chance to move to socialism, bypassing capitalism, and thereby show humanity the way to a new - just and civilized - world.
In the 60s. 19th century differences in the solution of the question of how to proceed towards socialism were determined. Herzen himself, without denying the revolution as "the last argument of the oppressed," preferred reforms carried out by the authorities under the pressure of progressive public opinion. N. G. Chernyshevsky considered the only possible revolutionary path to socialism, but he argued that certain political and economic conditions must develop for a revolution. N. A. Ishutin, S. G. Nechaev called for an immediate revolutionary revolt, assuring that for a revolutionary everything “that contributes to the revolution” is moral.
In the early 70s. The populist movement entered a new stage. Three main ideological currents were formed - propagandistic, rebellious and conspiratorial.
P. L. Lavrov was the ideologist of the propaganda direction. M. A. Bakunin, the leader of the rebellious trend, sharing Lavrov's ideas about the role of the revolutionary intelligentsia in unleashing the revolution, defined its purpose differently. The revolution does not need to be prepared, the rebellious instinct is organically inherent in the people: the youth must go to the village to "call for the ax."
The ideologist of the conspiratorial trend, P. N. Tkachev, did not share the hobbies of his associates: one should not wait until the people were ripe for revolution, and one should not “rebel” the village. The Russian monarchy, in his opinion, hangs in the air, has no strong social roots, society hates and condemns it. The task of the revolutionaries is to create a conspiratorial organization, ready for a coup and the seizure of power.
In 1874, a mass movement began, in which thousands of young people took part - "going to the people." They tried to raise the village to rebellion, but their attempt failed. In 1876, the organization "Land and Freedom" was created. Its members carried out terrorist acts against the government. In the summer of 1879. "Land and Freedom" split into two organizations - "Black Redistribution" (G. V. Plekhanov and others, and "Narodnaya Volya" (A. I. Zhelyabov, A. D. Mikhailov, S. L. Perovskaya and others)
. March 1, 1881 Alexander was killed by members of the people's will Alexander 3 entered the throne. Terror, could not help the Narodnaya Volya achieve their goal
AT "). Marxism became a form of overcoming populism. Its first ideologist in Russia was G. V. Plekhanov, who founded the Marxist group Emancipation of Labor in Geneva (1883).

In the 60s of the XIX century, a new trend of the revolutionary movement called populists was formed. It includes progressive youth and representatives of the Raznochinsk intelligentsia. They were inherent in the belief in the original development of Russia, since it is the closest, in their opinion, to a socialist society. They saw the basis of the new society in the rural community.

Three stages of the populist movement are known:
1. (1859-1861) - Held under the slogan "going to the people";
2. (1870s) - propaganda work among the population, mass "going to the people" (since 1874)
3. (1880s) - political struggle against elements of terror.

Within the framework of the populist movement, there were two main currents - moderate (liberal ) and radical (revolutionary ). Representatives of the moderate movement strove for non-violent social, political and economic transformation. Representatives of the radical movement, who considered themselves followers of Chernyshevsky, strove for the rapid violent overthrow of the existing regime and the immediate implementation of the ideals of socialism.

General principles:

1) Faith in the people. It was characteristic of the consciousness of the educated strata of Russian society. The people were seen as the bearer of a certain ideal. But the ideal was perceived in different ways.

Conservative monarchists saw in the people the bearer of the religious idea.

The left-wing intelligentsia saw in the people the bearer of the idea of ​​social justice.

This conviction was the result of a separation from the people, a vague consciousness of what the peasantry really was.

2) It was characteristic of the Narodniks to be extremely negative attitude towards the development of capitalism in Russia. They considered capitalism to be a bad system, and in Russia also artificial. They believed that capitalism in Russia was implanted exclusively from above by the state and had no roots.

3) It was typical for populists priority attention to social problems. They seemed to be more significant than the problems of a political nature. Political problems seemed derivative, secondary to social ones.

4) For populists was characteristic historical individualism. They believed that with the right energy it was possible to turn the tide of social development.

The largest revolutionary organization of this period was "Land and freedom" (1861 - 1864). In 1879 in connection with the strengthening of the radical wing of the organization, which demanded violent methods of combating the tsarist regime, "Land and Freedom" broke up into two organizations - "People's Will", embarked on the path of terror and direct seizure of power, and "Black Repartition" retained the old methods of revolutionary propaganda.

After the assassination of Alexander II in 1881. members of the organization "Narodnaya Volya" (V. Figner, S. Perovskaya, A. Ulyanov, I. I. Grinevitsky).

After the assassination of Alexander II by Narodnaya Volya (1881), the organization was crushed by the police, and by the end of the 1880s. ceased its activities. In the early 1880s. the "Black Repartition" broke up.

To the question of the popular movement under Alexander 2, asked by the author European the best answer is Peasant reform The year 1861 became a "finest hour" for figures from the liberal camp, both Westerners and Slavophiles, who had the opportunity to put their ideas into practice.
■ The liberal movement in the 1860s and 1870s, led by university professors K. D. Kavelin and B. N. Chicherin, put forward a rather moderate program on the whole, did not demand the convocation of parliament, considered it untimely, and pinned all hopes on continuing and the development of liberal reforms "from above", at the behest of the emperor. The liberals actively participated in the implementation of the zemstvo, city and judicial reform, in the activities of the new court and new local governments.
■1861 - the first revolutionary organization"Land and Freedom" headed by the editor of the magazine "Sovremennik" N. G. Chernyshevsky. The name of the organization contained its main ideas - the transfer to the peasants without redemption of all landowners' land and the liquidation of the autocracy, replacing it with a democratic republic. The leaders of the "Land and Freedom" were quickly arrested (Chernyshevsky - in 1862), not having time to deploy vigorous activity, and by 1864 the organization ceased to exist.
■1866 - DV Karakozov, a member of the Ishutin circle, makes an unsuccessful attempt on the tsar's life as a sign of protest against the "fraudulent" peasant reform. Karakozov was hanged, his assassination attempt led to a tightening of the political regime.
■1874 - the beginning of "going to the people" and the formation of the populist movement among the revolutionaries. Based on the ideas of A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky, the Narodniks were convinced that the basis of socialism in Russia was the peasant community.
Many of them went to live and work in the countryside, finding jobs as zemstvo teachers and doctors. Among the populists, three directions stood out:
propaganda (P. L. Lavrov) - they believed that it was necessary to go to the people to propagate socialist ideas, that the revolution required a long preparation;
rebellious, or anarchist (MA Bakunin), - they believed that the peasants were ready for a rebellion at any moment, and the task of the revolutionary intelligentsia was to help them organize an uprising;
conspiratorial (P.N. Tkachev) - in their opinion, the most effective way of revolution was the seizure of power by an organized revolutionary party, which, having come to power, would carry out all the transformations necessary for the people.
■ Among the populists, the idea was born of the need to create a centralized, unified, all-Russian organization. 1876 ​​- the Land and Freedom party appears. Its leaders are V. N. Figner, N. A. Morozov, A. D. Mikhailov. The landowners tried to move on to establishing systematic propaganda in the countryside, and also began to establish contacts with urban workers. They began to respond to police persecution with terrorist acts.
■1879 - the split of "Land and Freedom" into "Narodnaya Volya" and "Black Repartition". The Chernoperedeltsy (G.V. Plekhanov) advocated the continuation of the old tactics of working in the countryside and agitation for a "black redistribution", that is, the division of the landlords' land among the peasants. The Narodnaya Volya (A. I. Zhelyabov, S. L. Perovskaya) were supporters of terror and the promotion of political tasks - the destruction of the autocracy and the establishment of political freedoms. "Narodnaya Volya" turned into a strong, conspiratorial organization that had connections among the intelligentsia, workers, officers, and its agents in the ranks of the police. The Narodnaya Volya made a number of assassination attempts on top officials and the emperor himself.
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Alexander II Nikolaevich

He went down in Russian history as a conductor of large-scale reforms. He was awarded a special epithet in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography - in connection with the abolition of serfdom (according to the manifesto of February 19, 1861).

Peasant movement

Peasant movement since the late 50s. fueled by constant rumors about the impending release. If in 1851-1855. there were 287 peasant unrest, then in 1856-1859. - 1341.

The greatest number of unrest falls on March - July 1861, when the disobedience of the peasants was registered in 1176 estates. In 337 estates, military commands were used to pacify the peasants. The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In 1862-1863. the wave of peasant uprisings noticeably subsided. In 1864 open disturbances of peasants were registered only in 75 estates.

Since the mid 70s. the peasant movement again begins to gain strength under the influence of land scarcity, the severity of payments and duties. The consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 also affected, and in 1879-1880. the poor harvest caused famine. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in the central, eastern and southern provinces. The unrest among the peasants was intensified by the rumors about the impending new redistribution of land. Meanwhile, in its agrarian policy, the government tried to preserve its patriarchal way of life by regulating peasant life. After the abolition of serfdom, the process of disintegration of the peasant family proceeded rapidly, and the number of family divisions grew.

liberal movement

liberal movement late 50s - early 60s. was the widest and had many different shades. But one way or another, the liberals stood for the peaceful establishment of constitutional forms of government, for political and civil freedoms, and for the enlightenment of the people.

A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was the position of the Tver provincial nobility, which, even during the preparation and discussion of the peasant reform, came up with a constitutional project. And in 1862, the Tver noble assembly recognized the unsatisfactoriness of the "Regulations on February 19", the need for the immediate redemption of peasant allotments with the help of the state.

The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders spent in the late 70s. several all-zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally.

In the conditions of the political crisis at the turn of the 50s - 60s. stepped up their activities revolutionary democrats - radical wing of the opposition. The ideological center of this trend has been since 1859 the journal Sovremennik, which was led by H.G.Chernyshevsky and Ya.A. Dobrolyubov (1836-1861).

Strengthening peasant unrest during the period of the reform. The year 1861 instilled in the leaders of the radical direction the hope that a peasant revolution in Russia would be possible. The revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets that called on the peasants, young students, and soldiers to prepare for the fight.

In late 1861 - early 1862, a group of revolutionary populists created the first conspiratorial revolutionary organization of all-Russian significance after the defeat of the Decembrists. Her inspirers were Herzen and Chernyshevsky. The organization was named Land and freedom. She was engaged in the distribution of illegal literature, led the preparations for the uprising, scheduled for 1863.

In the middle of 1862, the government, having enlisted the support of the liberals, launched a broad repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. Sovremennik was closed (until 1863). Recognized Leaders radicals - N.G. Chernyshevsky, N.A. Serno-Solovyevich and D.I. Pisarev were arrested.

After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising, prepared by the branches of "Land and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the activities of the organization.

In the 60s. on the wave of rejection of the existing order, the ideology of nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness based on reason".

At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by N.G. Chernyshevsky "What to do?" (1862), artels, workshops, communes arose, hoping through development collective labor prepare the socialist transformation of society. Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal activities.

In the 70s. there were several close currents of utopian socialism, called " populism." The Narodniks believed that thanks to the peasant community and the qualities of the communal peasant, Russia would be able to cross directly. to the socialist system. The views of the theoreticians of populism (M.A. Bakunin, P.N. Tkachev) differed in questions of tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in state power and believed that a secret organization, revolutionary leaders should raise the people to revolt and lead them to victory.

In the spring of 1874, thousands of members of populist organizations went to the villages. Most of them aimed at the speedy preparation of a peasant uprising. They gathered gatherings, spoke about the oppression of the people, called "to disobey the authorities. "Going to the people" continued for several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia.

A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N.N. Kolodkevich, A.D. Mikhailov, N.A. Morozov, S.L. Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, M.F. Frolenko in 1879, hoping to cause a political crisis and raise the people, committed a number of terrorist acts. The death sentence for Alexander II was passed by the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" in August 1879. After several unsuccessful assassination attempts March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by I.I. Grinevitsky.

Social movement

Democratization of the system public education, the emergence of a large number of specialists with higher education from nobles and raznochintsy significantly expanded the circle intelligentsia. This is a small stratum of society, closely associated with social groups, professionally employed mental labor(intellectuals), but not merging with them. Distinctive features intelligentsia became highly ideological and fundamentally focused on actively opposing traditional state principles, based on a rather peculiar perception of Western ideas.

December 3, 1855 was closed the Supreme Censorship Committee, about weakened censorship rules.

Polish uprising of 1863

In 1860-1861. a wave of mass demonstrations swept through the entire Kingdom of Poland in memory of the anniversary of the uprising of 1830. Martial law was introduced in Poland, mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: State Council, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. In this situation, secret youth circles arose, calling on the urban strata of the population to an armed uprising. Polish society was divided into two parties. The supporters of the uprising were called the "Reds." The "Whites" - the landowners and the big bourgeoisie - hoped to achieve the restoration of an independent Poland by diplomatic means.

The uprising in Poland broke out on January 22, 1863. The immediate reason was the decision of the authorities to conduct in mid-January 1863 in Polish cities and towns, according to pre-prepared lists, a recruitment of persons suspected of revolutionary activity. The Central Committee of the "Reds" decided on an immediate action. Military operations developed spontaneously. The “whites”, who soon came to lead the uprising, relied on the support of the Western European powers. Despite the note from England and France demanding an end to the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising continued. Prussia supported Russia. Russian troops under the command of General F.F. Berg entered the fight against the rebel groups in Poland. In Lithuania and Belarus, the troops were led by the Vilna Governor-General M.N. Muravyov ("The Hanger").

On March 1, Alexander II canceled the temporarily obligated relations of peasants, reduced quitrent payments by 2.0% in Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine. Based on the agrarian decrees Polish rebels, the government during the hostilities announced land reform. Having lost the support of the peasantry as a result, the Polish uprising by the autumn of 1864 suffered a final defeat.

labor movement

labor movement 60s was not significant. Cases of passive resistance and protest prevailed - filing complaints or simply fleeing the factories. Due to serf traditions and the absence of special labor legislation, a strict regime of exploitation of hired labor was established. The usual demand was to reduce fines, increase wages, improvement of working conditions. From the 70s. labor movement is gradually increasing. Along with unrest, not accompanied by the cessation of work, the filing of collective complaints.

Unlike the peasant labor movement was more organized. The activities of the Narodniks played a significant role in the creation of the first workers' circles. Already in 1875. under the guidance of former student E.O. Zaslavsky in Odessa arose " South Russian Union of Workers" (crushed by the authorities at the end of the same year). The unions carried out propaganda among the workers and set as their goal a revolutionary struggle "against the existing political and economic system."

The industrial crisis of the early 80s. and the depression that followed it created mass unemployment and poverty. The owners of enterprises widely practiced mass layoffs, lowering rates for work, increasing fines, and the working and living conditions of workers worsened. Cheap female and child labor was widely used. There were no restrictions on working hours. There was no labor protection. leading to an increase in accidents. At the same time, there were no injury benefits or workers' insurance.

Economic strikes and labor unrest in the early 1980s. generally did not go beyond individual enterprises. played an important role in the development of the mass labor movement strike at Morozov's Nikolskaya manufactory (Orekhovv-Zuevo) in January 1885 it was attended by about 8 thousand people. The strike was prearranged. The workers made demands not only to the owner of the enterprise, but also to the government. The government took measures to stop the strike and at the same time put pressure on the owners of the manufactory, seeking to satisfy individual workers' demands and prevent future unrest.

Under the influence of the Morozov strike, the government adopted 3 June 1885 law" On the Supervision of Establishments in the Factory Industry and on mutual relations manufacturers and workers. The law partly regulated the procedure for hiring and firing workers, somewhat streamlined the system of fines, and established penalties for participation in strikes.

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liberalism in Russian Empire originated in the 18th century. But it acquired special significance and poignancy during the reign of Emperor Alexander II in 1860-1880. after the so-called liberal reforms. Many progressive nobles and liberals were dissatisfied with the half-heartedness of the peasant reform and demanded that the authorities continue it. In addition, a movement of “zemstvo constitutionalism” also arose in Russia, the main requirement of which was the granting of civil rights. You will learn more about all this in this lesson.

The word "liberalism" appeared in Europe in the 18th century. It is derived from the word liberalis, which means free. In general, liberals are people whose main goal of political struggle is to ensure human rights and freedoms.

First in Russia half of XIX in. the word "liberal" was almost a dirty word. The fact is that Nicholas I at the beginning of his reign was seriously frightened by the Decembrists, and all revolutions in Europe in the middle of the 19th century. held under the banner of liberalism. Therefore, the authorities were hostile to the liberals.

The peasant reform of 1861, with its half-heartedness, caused discontent not only among the peasants, but also among a significant part of the progressively minded nobles. Many nobles began to turn to the king or speak at local provincial meetings with a request to change the order of the reform. The most famous action of this kind was the performance in December 1864 of the Tver nobles, headed by the former marshal of the nobility A.M. Unkovsky (Fig. 2). For this, he was forbidden to deal with peasant issues, and was also removed from office. 112 nobles of Tver presented to Emperor Alexander II a document called "Loyal Address". However, the provisions of this document were almost revolutionary. The nobles themselves insisted on creating a system absolutely equal for all estates, abolishing the estate privileges of the nobility, creating an independent court, and even allocating land to the peasants.

Rice. 2. A.M. Unkovsky - leader of the Russian nobility, public figure ()

Alexander II, who seemed to be a liberal emperor and a supporter of progress, ordered the repression of these nobles. 13 people were placed for two years in Peter and Paul Fortress, and Unkovsky was even exiled to Vyatka for his radical ideas. Other liberals, having seen such a reaction from the authorities, were afraid to openly oppose the government, even with the best of intentions. They began to group around a few magazines that began to appear in the 1860s.

The Vestnik Evropy magazine has become a kind of center of political struggle and a mouthpiece for the liberals (Fig. 3). A publication with this name was already published in Russia from 1802 to 1830, but was closed at the request of Nicholas I, who was afraid of any manifestations of opposition. "Bulletin of Europe" from 1866 was published under the editorship of the famous public figure and historian M.M. Stasyulevich (Fig. 4). The magazine published sharp political materials. Such famous scientists as I.M. Sechenov, K.A. Timiryazev; the works of L.N. Tolstoy, A.N. Ostrovsky, I.A. Goncharov, and in the 1880s. even the works of M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin - one of the sharpest and most caustic satirists.

Rice. 3. Journal "Bulletin of Europe" ()

Rice. 4. M.M. Stasyulevich - editor of the journal "Bulletin of Europe" ()

The most influential publication can be considered the newspaper "Voice" (Fig. 5), which was published in Russia for twenty years and also united supporters of the liberal idea. It briefly united even Slavophiles and Westernizers - representatives of two opposite currents that had been at enmity with each other since the 1830s.

One of the conductors of the liberal idea was the famous Slavophil Yu.F. Samarin (Fig. 6). In the 1870s the Moscow Zemstvo invited him to participate in the development of a tax reform project, in which he actively took part. According to his project, all estates of the Russian Empire were to become taxable, or taxable, that is, the tax burden fell not only on the peasants and philistines, but also on the nobles and the clergy. For Alexander II, all this was too radical. Samarin was not touched only because he went abroad and soon died there.

Rice. 6. Yu.F. Samarin is a Slavophil, a conductor of the ideas of liberalism in Russia ()

The Slavophiles continued to consider Russia an original civilization, but they saw that the changes that were taking place in the country clearly led to a better position for it. From their point of view, perhaps Russia should use the experience Western countries provided that it leads to good results.

At the end of the 1870s. Liberal sentiments also intensified among the Zemstvos. In liberalism, a current of "zemstvo constitutionalism" arose. Representatives of this direction demanded that Alexander II continue the reforms. They believed that the rights of zemstvos, that is, local governments, should be expanded. Their main demand was "the crowning of the building of the zemstvo reform", which meant the creation of some kind of nationwide elected body (as if crowning the building of regional elected bodies - zemstvo assemblies). At first it was supposed to be deliberative, but in the long term (this was understood by everyone, although it was not always pronounced) - Legislature, that is, a parliamentary type body that limits the power of the monarch. And this is constitutionalism - hence the name of the movement. Zemstvo constitutionalists demanded an equal position for all estates, and some of their representatives even demanded the adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Empire. The key point in the political program of the zemstvo constitutionalists was the demand for the granting of civil liberties: speech, press, and assembly. However, Alexander II, despite the liberal fervor at the beginning of his reign, was not ready to make such serious concessions. This was greatly hindered and revolutionary activity, which at that time was conducted in Russia.

A feature of the zemstvo constitutionalists was the hope for cooperation with Emperor Alexander II. At the very end of the emperor's reign, they had some hope. The fact is that right hand Alexandra became M.T. Loris-Melikov (Fig. 7), who was considered an adherent of the ideas of liberalism. But the hopes of the liberals did not come true and the Constitution of Loris-Melikov was never adopted in the Russian Empire.

Rice. 7. M.T. Loris-Melikov - Russian statesman, the closest associate of Alexander II ()

The liberals tried to convince the emperor and his entourage that it was easier to make gradual changes in the country than to wait for a surge of revolutionary sentiment. Some representatives of liberal circles even made contact with the populists, urging them to stop terrorist acts, thereby forcing the authorities to cooperate. But all the efforts of the liberals were useless.

Some liberals wanted a revival at least Zemsky Cathedral, through which one could try to influence the emperor. But such an idea seemed too radical even to Alexander II.

Thus, we can say that the liberal movement of the 1860s - 1870s. in Russia did not fulfill the tasks that it set for itself. To a large extent, the failures of Russian liberalism were connected with the pressure on the authorities of another political trend - conservatism.

Homework

1. What is liberalism? How was the liberal movement born in Russia and what contributed to it?
2. Describe the liberal nobles from a socio-political point of view. Why did the progressive nobles take the liberal movement as a basis?
3. What reasons contributed to the birth of zemstvo constitutionalism and what was it like? Describe the political program of the zemstvo constitutionalists.

1. Website Sochineniye.ru ()
2. Website Examen.ru ()
3. Website School.xvatit.com ()
4. Scepsis.net website ()

Bibliography

1. Lazukova N.N., Zhuravleva O.N. Russian history. 8th grade. M.: "Ventana-Graf", 2013.
2. Lyashenko L.M. Russian history. 8th grade. M.: "Drofa", 2012.
3. Leontovich V.V. History of liberalism in Russia (1762-1914). Moscow: Russian way, 1995.
4. Liberalism in Russia / RAS. Institute of Philosophy. Rep. Ed.: V.F. Pustarnakov, I.F. Khudushin. M., 1996.
5. Tatishchev S.S. Emperor Alexander II. His life and reign. In 2 volumes. M.: Charlie, 1996.