Georgy Lvov was born on October 21, 1861 in Dresden, Germany. Representative of the princely family of the Lvovs. Father - Prince Evgeny Vladimirovich Lvov, Aleksinsky district marshal of the nobility, mother - Varvara Alekseevna Mosolova. The family, by noble standards, was not rich; in the Tula province they owned the Popovka estate. Elder brother Alexei from 1896 headed Moscow School painting. Another brother, Vladimir, was in charge of the Moscow Main Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1901.
He graduated from the private Polivanov Gymnasium in Moscow and the Faculty of Law of Moscow University. The Tula landowner, working in the judicial and zemstvo bodies of the Tula province, he very soon gained wide popularity as a zemstvo figure; chairman of the Tula provincial zemstvo council, participant of zemstvo congresses. The prince's countryman Leo Tolstoy, who knew the entire Lvov family, approved of his activities.
In 1901, Prince Lvov in the Bogoroditsky estate married the youngest daughter of the owner of the estate, Count A.P. Bobrinsky, Yulia. The Bobrinsky family comes from the illegitimate son of Catherine II. The chosen one of the prince was in poor health and died two years later, they had no children.
Member of the Zemstvo opposition circle "Conversation" and the liberal movement "Union of Liberation".
Lvov was elected to State Duma I convocation. In the Duma, Lvov headed the medical and food committee with broad charitable goals: bakeries, canteens, sanitary points for the hungry, fire victims and the poor were created with the money of the government and Russian and foreign financial organizations. He was engaged in providing assistance to immigrants to Siberia and the Far East of Russia. In 1909, Lvov visited the United States and Canada to study the resettlement case.
Since 1911 - a member of the Moscow Committee of the Progressive Party. In 1913, after the resignation of N.I. Guchkov, G.E. Lvov was elected by the Moscow City Duma as a candidate for the position of Moscow mayor, but was not approved by the Minister of Internal Affairs N.A. Maklakov. This event was the beginning of a long conflict between the Moscow city government and the government. After G.E. Lvov, the Moscow Duma in 1913 elected candidates twice more, who were then not approved by the government.
In Moscow in 1914, at a congress prepared by the Moscow zemstvo and with the participation of zemstvo representatives from all over Russia, the All-Russian Zemstvo Union for Assistance to Sick and Wounded Soldiers was created - it was headed by Lvov. Behind short term this army assistance organization, with an annual budget of 600 million rubles, became the main organization engaged in equipping hospitals and ambulance trains, supplying clothes and shoes for the army.
A year later, this union merged with the All-Russian Union of Cities into a single organization - ZEMGOR. From 1915 to 1917, Lvov headed the joint committee of the Zemsky Union and the Union of Cities, fought both corruption and the politicization of ZEMGOR. At the congress of zemstvo activists in September 1915, he declared: "The powerful combination of government activity with the public so desired by the whole country did not take place."
Since 1916, Lvov's name began to appear on many lists of members of the "responsible ministry" or "ministry of trust", which was supposed to replace the existing "government of bureaucrats."
On March 2, 1917, Lvov was appointed Minister-Chairman and Minister of the Interior of the first Provisional Government by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, and also headed the first coalition government. It is worth noting that along with the abdication of the throne, Emperor Nicholas II signed a decree appointing Lvov as chairman of the Council of Ministers in March 1917, but the decree was ignored.
The failure of the June offensive and the July uprising organized by the Bolsheviks led to a government crisis. On July 7, 1917, Lvov resigned from the posts of head of the cabinet and minister of the interior. The provisional government was headed by the military and naval minister Kerensky.
After the October Revolution, he settled in Tyumen, in the winter of 1918 he was arrested and transferred to Yekaterinburg. After 3 months, Lvov and two more prisoners were released before trial on bail, and Lvov immediately left Yekaterinburg, made his way to Omsk, occupied by the insurgent Czechoslovak Corps.
The Provisional Siberian Government formed in Omsk, headed by P. Vologodsky, instructed Lvov to travel to the United States to meet with President V. Wilson and other statesmen to inform them about the goals of the anti-Soviet forces and receive assistance from Russia's former allies in the First World War.
In October 1918 he came to the USA. But Lvov was late - in November of the same year, the First World War ended, preparations began for a peace conference in Paris, where the center of world politics moved. Having not achieved any practical results in the USA, Lvov returned to France, where in 1918-1920 he headed the Russian Political Conference in Paris. He stood at the origins of the system of labor exchanges to help Russian emigrants, transferred Zemgor's funds, which were stored in the US National Bank, at their disposal. Later, he retired from political activity, lived in Paris, and lived in poverty. He earned money by handicraft work, wrote memoirs.
Georgy Evgenievich Lvov died on March 7, 1925 in Paris and was buried in the Cemetery of Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois.
The political figures of the present time are well known to all of us, but the figures February Revolution 1917, which shook all of Russia, began to appear recently, after the removal of all the ideological and political husks, like paintings by old masters after restoration. One of the leaders of Russian society at the beginning of the last 20th century was a resident of the Tula region, a prominent zemstvo figure, Prince Georgy Evgenievich Lvov, who personally headed the Provisional Government of the new and democratic country. His candidacy was supported by the outgoing imperial power in the person of the Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II, and the entire liberal-democratic part of Russia, and the army in the field, the combat capability of which to a large extent depended on the work of public organizations headed by the prince.
The Lvov family is one of the oldest Russian princely families, dating back to the 9th century from the founder of the ancient Russian state, the legendary Rurik, whose descendants have survived to this day. In the past, many representatives of this family played a prominent role in the history of our country. But by the beginning of the 19th century, the already poor books. The Lvovs became impoverished and, despite belonging to the highest Russian aristocracy, naturally, could not count on a bright future. Father of Prince Evgeny Vladimirovich Lvov (1818 - 1896) was educated at the Institute of the Corps of Railway Engineers. However, the service in his specialty did not attract him, and Lvov served first in the Department of State Property, and later in the 1st Moscow Cadet Corps as a class inspector. At the end of the 40s. Evgeny Vladimirovich Lvov married a small estate noblewoman Varvara Alekseevna Mosolova, who inherited from her wealthy relative the Popovka estate in the Aleksinsky district of the Tula province. In 1858, Prince. Lvov retires and soon leaves with his wife and children abroad to Germany, where his elder brother Dmitry lived at that time, in order to give his older children a European education. It was here, during the family's stay abroad in Dresden, the capital of Saxony, on November 30, 1861, that Prince was born. Georgy Evgenievich Lvov. Absolutely unable to speak Russian since childhood, he later, in all his actions, began to measure life by the need to serve the Fatherland.
After the abolition of serfdom, the Lvovs were forced to return to Russia, because the family had no other sources of livelihood besides income from the estate. Since 1869, the whole family moved permanently to Popovka, which from that moment became the only hope for the future. Six years of carefree childhood spent by Georgy Evgenievich on the estate “on a free meadow of village life” left an indelible imprint on the rest of his life, and such character traits as: simplicity and modesty, gentleness and consonant with the nature of the Central Russian band remained with him throughout his life. In the biography dedicated to him, T.I. Polner we read: “...quiet, simple and modest. He was extremely attractive and sweet."
His parents: father - an enlightened Aleksinsky landowner, court adviser to Prince. Yevgeny Vladimirovich and mother Varvara Alekseevna, touching in their love and ideals, did a lot for the education of the surrounding population, wrote textbooks for elementary school and books for children, which were approved and reviewed by c. L.N. Tolstoy, who was friends with the family of Prince. Lvovs. Moreover, they opened a school for peasant children in their house, founded and were trustees of a school and a library in Aleksin. Living a full life of workers, parents were able to give the same reserve of strength to their children. All their sons were able to become well-known personalities in Russia at the beginning of the century, despite family financial difficulties: the estate was ruined and repeatedly mortgaged to the bank, the means for the life and education of children had to be earned by everyday work.
The hospitable house of the Lvovs in Tula during this period of time becomes one of the centers of the social life of the city. It was often visited by the governor and vice-governor, the bishop and heads of the judicial department, progressive landowners and cultural figures, including writers M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, who then served as the manager of the Tula Treasury Chamber, and, of course, a longtime acquaintance of the Lvov family - gr. L.N. Tolstoy.
For the education of the younger sons Sergei and George, the choice of parents fell on the private classical gymnasium L.I. Polivanov, who had a reputation as an outstanding teacher and author of the famous reader. However, Georgy Evgenievich later recalled the gymnasium years of study as the most bleak years of his adolescence and youth, which did not leave bright memories in his memory. Being already in the senior classes of the gymnasium in the Moscow house of gr. Olsufiev young Georgy Evgenievich found more entertainment than spiritual food. The youngest of the brothers Dmitry Adamovich Olsufiev later described the prince as follows: “He was of pure, modest morals: he did not participate in drinking parties, or in debauchery, or in greasy conversations with his comrades. But the labor school of life ... he began to go through early, and this, of course, contributed to the development of a strong character in him and exceptional diligence ... in my view, Georgy Lvov remained a man far from unraveled by me. He was modest, not brilliant, gray, but with a great inner spiritual and mental life, with a strong, almost ascetic character ... ".
After graduating from the gymnasium, returning to the family estate, the prince, to the best of his strength and ability, helped his brother Sergei with the housework all his free time. And to continue his education, he chose the law faculty of the Moscow Imperial University, which his elder brother Alexei had previously graduated from. Lvov received a university course diploma in 1885, and in the future, most of the youth and mature life of the prince was associated with work in zemstvos, which arose in Russia after the adoption by Emperor Alexander II of the “Regulations on provincial and district zemstvo institutions”.
Georgy Evgenievich began his public service in the Tula provincial zemstvo in 1892 as a vowel from Aleksinsky, having also worked in the Efremov districts. In 1906, he was already elected a deputy of the First State Duma. Thus, Lvov was a vowel of the Tula provincial zemstvo assembly for fifteen years: he was a member of four editorial and as many revision commissions, was a member of long-term and short-term commissions on public education, medical and sanitary, agricultural, road. In addition to working in numerous commissions, the prince, on behalf of the provincial zemstvo council, spoke at meetings of the zemstvo assemblies with reports, having previously deeply studied this or that issue under discussion. For merits in this field, Georgy Evgenievich was awarded the Order of St. Stanislav 2nd class. The problems of public education, the arrangement of orphanages, assistance to peasants suffering from hunger - this is not a complete list of his daily work.
Lvov was convinced that the government should have a clear program to help people in lean years, when famine spread to dozens of Russian provinces. The prince proposed not to limit the zemstvos to any one form of assistance to the starving peasants, he spoke about the binary system, about the interaction of state, public, and private persons. As a far-sighted man, Georgy Evgenievich emphasized the state significance of the food problem, putting it on a par with the problem of rearmament in importance. Russian army. He proposed to raise the issue of combating hunger to such a high level.
Working in the Tula provincial zemstvo, Lvov revealed himself as a state-minded person, as a politician of a new generation. It was during these 90s. 19th century his socio-political views of a liberal monarchist begin to take shape. Georgy Evgenievich believed that for the prosperity of the fatherland, it was necessary to unite the activities of the zemstvo vowels and the zemstvo intelligentsia in the province. And the first step towards such cooperation was seen as the creation of united health councils under the zemstvo council, which organized work on medical education of the population, the fight against epidemics, and provided assistance to zemstvo hospitals and pharmacies. As a zemstvo vowel, the prince made his political choice, he joined the group of liberal zemstvos who stood for reforms capable of destroying bureaucratic arbitrariness, for the exercise of civil rights. The name of Lvov became famous among the zemstvos, certain successes in the zemstvo life of the province were associated with him.
In 1903, Georgy Evgenievich was elected chairman of the Tula provincial zemstvo council. Archival documents record that in February he was approved by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and in August Lvov began work, warning his colleagues that he would not be able to immediately take up the duties of the head of the council. The fact is that at the beginning of 1903 his wife Yulia Alekseevna (nee Count Bobrinskaya) fell seriously ill. She was treated by the best Moscow specialists, an urgent operation was required, but all this did not help. The princess died on May 12, 1903, and the completely shocked prince took refuge in Optina Hermitage: until the end of his days he remained a widower and had no children. In such a difficult and tragic period of his life, Lvov stood at the head of the Tula Zemstvo.
As chairman of the zemstvo council, he exercised general supervision over the affairs of the council and its departments, monitored the reporting, and was responsible for the content of the reports of the council. At that time, the Zemstvo Administration focused on healthcare and charity institutions. The departments of the provincial zemstvo hospital were repaired and reequipped, the sanitary condition and maintenance of the zemstvo shelter for foundlings and orphans were improved; a complex of buildings for mentally ill people was built: a hospital, a bakery, a bathhouse, a laundry, a water pump, and an electric station. When in June 1905 elections were held for a new zemstvo council, the prince was again elected chairman of the council, who received 35 votes out of 60.
The liberal zemstvos welcomed the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, considering it necessary to instill in citizens the habit of freedom, so that disorder and self-will would not be born from freedom. On June 6, 1905, a representative Zemstvo delegation was organized to Emperor Nicholas II with a petition of allegiance, headed by Prince. S.N. Trubetskoy, in which Prince. G.E. Lvov. After the publication of the Manifesto on the granting of freedoms, the chairman of the Council of Ministers, gr. S.Yu. Witte offered Lvov to take the post of Minister of Agriculture, but this plan was not implemented.
Another rude attack by the provincial administration against Georgy Evgenievich forced him to leave the leadership of the local zemstvo and put forward his candidacy in the elections to the First State Duma. So, simultaneously with the activity in the Tula zemstvo, since 1904 Lvov joined the Russian general zemstvo movement. From the bloc of Cadets and Octobrists, he was elected a deputy to the Duma in 1906, where during all the time of her work he tried to work in various committees, and not speak from the rostrum. After the dissolution of the First Duma, 200 of its delegates left for Vyborg, where, after 2 days of excited meetings, they signed an incendiary appeal to the people. The prince was one of the few who did not sign it, considering it unnecessary to plunge the country into an anarchy of civil disobedience and retaliatory steps by the government. Later, not concurring in his views with the direction of the new actions of the Cadet Party, he leaves its ranks.
Since the formation of zemstvo institutions, which, according to the law on zemstvo reform, were to deal exclusively with local economy, their desire for unification was also revealed. The initiator of establishing relations between individual zemstvos at the beginning of the 20th century was the Moscow provincial zemstvo council, headed by its chairman D.N. Shipov, who decided to involve Georgy Evgenievich in general Zemstvo activities, seeing in him the talent of an organizer of practical affairs.
When 14 Russian provincial zemstvos out of twenty-one spoke in favor of participating in helping the wounded Russian soldiers on the fronts of the Russo-Japanese War: hospitals, infirmaries, dressing stations, camp kitchens, Lvov was elected the chief representative of the all-zemstvo organization operating in Manchuria. He went there in May 1904 as a little-known zemstvo figure, who had 360 people at his disposal (doctors, nurses, cooks), including two Tula medical and nutritional detachments. There, being at the head of a difficult, responsible and extensive business, the prince showed great ability to work, political tact, Spartan simplicity and undemanding personal qualities, organizational talent and practical acumen, which ensured accurate work in difficult military conditions by Zemstvo detachments. His biographer T.I. Polner wrote that Lvov was the main organizer of Zemstvo successes among the failures of an unpopular war. Upon his return to Moscow in early October 1904, he became one of the heroes of Russian society, and from the time of the Japanese company, the name of the prince became widely known and popular not only in zemstvo circles.
Under the influence of military failures, the government made some concessions, not preventing zemstvo leaders from gathering in private apartments to discuss their problems. At the beginning of November 1904, the famous zemstvo congress took place in St. Petersburg, which for the first time openly expressed the constitutional aspirations of the Russian intelligentsia. A veteran and coryphaeus of the zemstvo movement, Tver zemstvo I.I. Petrunkevich and a newcomer to the general zemstvo movement, Tula, G.E. Lvov. At the congress, he joined the group of Zemstvo-constitutionalists. The prince was also elected to the zemstvo bureau, the executive body between the zemstvo congresses. And the program of work of this congress included the issue of helping sick and wounded soldiers. Lvov delivered a report on the almost year-long activity of the all-zemstvo organization in Manchuria, which was received with approval. Here, at the congress, the idea subsequently arose of transferring the all-zemstvo activity to Russia, directing it to combat famine, epidemics, and other national ills.
With the beginning of the revolutionary turmoil in 1905, it became especially difficult to convene such congresses. Repeatedly, Georgy Evgenievich was a member of special zemstvo deputations, which petitioned the tsar for this, the prince knew how to get along with big officials. He participated in all six zemstvo congresses in 1904-1905. During this period, Lvov experienced a profound evolution of his apolitical views, becoming a Zemstvo-constitutionalist, a recognized leader of the general Zemstvo movement. But with the organization of political parties and the work of the 4 State Dumas, the zemstvo congresses lost their former social significance.
The all-zemstvo organization remained, but its work no longer concerned political issues. Its main attention will be occupied by the problems of helping the Russian people in emergency situations of famine, resettlement policy, and epidemics. Georgy Evgenievich is still at the head of this movement. Not wanting to engage in politics himself, he again organizes all-zemstvo charitable activities. Where a nationwide disaster is discovered, where urgent and effective assistance is needed - Lvov was and worked there. He organized (1906 - 1907) all-zemstvo assistance to the famine-stricken regions of Russia. When at the end of the summer of 1906 the wooden city of Syzran almost completely burned down, the All-Zemska organization equipped a medical and nutritional detachment there. Dispensaries and canteens, bakeries and shops for necessary goods and food were opened.
On the initiative of the prince, the all-zemstvo organization provided a large food, charitable and medical assistance to the settlers who suffered in (1907 - 1909) during the Stolypin agrarian reform in Siberia and the Far East. All these years, Georgy Evgenievich was engaged in exclusively practical work that affected the needs of the people, and it was this kind of work that he did best. And on the basis of his personal observations and processing of statistical studies of the Far Eastern Territory and Siberia, he published and was favorably received in society the book "Amur Region". In the same year, Lvov went to Canada to get acquainted with the life of Russian immigrants. He crossed the American continent from ocean to ocean. And later, already in 1913, he participated and won with a majority of votes elections for the position of mayor of Moscow, but was not approved by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Actively contributed to the opening of a technical university in Perm.
By mid-July 1914, the Moscow provincial zemstvo planned to hold a series of meetings on the creation of a central sanitary organization of the zemstvo type, because. such an institution was needed in the face of the impending war. Georgy Evgenievich, as the head of the All-Zemsk Organization, created back in the period of the Russo-Japanese War, was among the persons invited to discuss this project. It was then about organizing the evacuation of sick and wounded soldiers from distribution points with their subsequent placement in local hospitals, which the future All-Russian Zemstvo Union (VZS) was also supposed to create.
The founding congress of the VZS, which took place on July 30, 1914, was attended by representatives of 35 provincial zemstvos. The name of the prince at that time was widely known and popular in Russian society and by 37 votes against 13 - Lvov became the chief representative of the Zemsoyuz. The created organization united all the provincial zemstvos of Russia, except for Kursk, whose conservative leadership, in defiance of the liberals, decided to act independently. And a few days later, the mayors of the country, following the Zemstvo example, united in the All-Russian Union of Cities (VSG) with similar functions.
In the meantime, Georgy Evgenievich began to establish the current work of the Zemsoyuz. Not being an "office" leader, he was constantly in the thick of things and among people. His endless trips to Petrograd began, where the prince visited ministries and various departments in order to coordinate future actions, as well as with petitions for the allocation of cash subsidies necessary for the cause. Visiting employees working in the newly created workshops and warehouses, participating in various departmental commissions - it was not so easy to find Lvov in the building at Maroseyka 7, where the Main Committee of the VZU was located. And soon the Zemsoyuz began to procure warm clothes and underwear for the active army in huge quantities. And already in the first months of the war, numerous departments grew up and began to work near its central office, the number of which steadily increased throughout the war: the central warehouse, the ambulance train department, the department for receiving donations, the medical and sanitary and evacuation departments, the office, accounting, cash desk, etc., etc. The state of sanitary care in the active army in the first months of the war was horrendous, and witnesses to this are the memories and stories of contemporaries. Under these conditions, the government was simply forced to seek support from the public, which it did not like so much, which, in the person of the VZS and the VSG, offered its effective assistance to the warring country.
During the war years, the leaders of many humanitarian committees and infirmaries, which were opened at the expense of members royal family, commercial companies and individuals, wished to see Georgy Evgenievich at the grand opening of their brainchildren and offered to join the leadership. Lvov answered most of them polite refusal, devoted himself entirely to the once chosen zemstvo work, insanely tired and sacrificing moral and physical health to the Fatherland. There are countless examples of his vain attempts to reach an understanding with officials and many unsupported zemstvo initiatives. This is the participation of the Zemsoyuz in the fight against the epidemic threat, and the organization of engineering and construction squads, and guardianship of mentally ill soldiers, and, probably, the most pressing issue is helping refugees.
From the very beginning of its existence, the All-Russian Zemstvo Union found itself in an ambiguous position, the illogicality of which would be aggravated right up to the February Revolution. On the one hand, the government began to allocate millions of subsidies to the organization, setting more and more cardinal tasks for the Zemstvo, which were not originally included in the scope of duties outlined by the VZS. This is the procurement of medical equipment and drugs, the manufacture of gas masks for the army, the equipment of ambulance trains, the purchase and tailoring of soldiers' boots, the evacuation of industrial facilities from the territories left by our troops, and even the combat supply of the army. By 1916, the budget of the Zemsoyuz was already 600 million rubles and continued to grow uncontrollably. In June 1915, in the conditions of a large-scale retreat of the Russian army on the Southwestern Front, the VZS and VSG formed the Main Committee for the Supply of the Army (Zemgor) on an equal footing. The new direction of the work of the unions required a separate organizational design, since the organization of the combat equipment of the troops could not be carried out under the flag of the Red Cross. Headed Zemgor, respectively, Prince. G.E. Lvov and M.V. Chelnokov.
On the other hand, the government, fearing that the liberal majority of the VZU would get out of control and considering it a “revolutionary nest growing stronger on government money,” tried with all its might to limit the growth of influence and power of the zemstvo association. In the fall of 1915, the monarchists became the initiators in criticizing the irrational use of funds by the Zemsoyuz and its lack of accountability for money. Actual accusations in conservative circles were picked up by the highest officials, blackmailing the Zemstvo members with the possible liquidation of the organization. Things got to the point that the dignitaries who attended the political salon of Prime Minister B.V. Stürmer in June 1916 called for the immediate arrest of his leader Lvov.
The fight against the epidemic threat in the army and front-line zones, which the Zemsoyuz tried to establish as early as the beginning of 1915, failed because of the government's persistent unwillingness to allow the Zemstvo to dominate in this area. The Council of Ministers constantly postponed the consideration of this issue, sending Georgy Evgenievich from one instance to another. Meanwhile, the Main Committee of the VZS was constantly receiving information about the increasing outbreaks of cholera and typhus from the border areas of Western Ukraine and Belarus. Provincial committees, expecting specific instructions and money, persistently turned to the leadership of the organization. This state of affairs forced the prince in March 1915, bypassing the generally accepted procedure, to directly address the Supreme Commander. We see an even sadder picture in the organization of assistance to refugees. As a result of fruitless attempts to coordinate its work with government instructions, without waiting for funding and observing open opposition from top officials, the Main Committee of the VZU decided the problem of refugees in a purely political manner. On November 16, 1915, the VZS officially resigned "the obligations imposed by the assembly of authorized officers to unite the activities of zemstvos in helping refugees." At the same time, the Zemsoyuz did not refuse to continue the work already begun in this area, but the scale of its work was subsequently significantly reduced.
It was from this moment that one can speak directly about the appearance of Georgy Evgenievich in the arena of "big" politics. The Vyborg Appeal, which the prince did not sign in 1906, seemed to put an end to the political career of the prince, once again proving his inner apoliticality and his peacefulness. An unconditional catalyst in the further change of Lvov's political orientations, which he himself did not want and which he was not happy with at heart, was his active work in the Zemsoyuz and difficult, and sometimes degrading relations with the authorities, which he was obliged to maintain on duty. It was 1916 that largely predetermined the inclusion of Georgy Evgenievich in the socio-political struggle. Gradually moving away from the active economic leadership of the Zemsoyuz, he increasingly participates in political meetings at the apartments of the leaders of the liberal parties, dedicated to discussing the situation in the country and its future. And already in October 1916, Prince himself. Lvov visits Headquarters and talks with General M.V. Alekseev regarding the removal of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna from “influence” on her husband’s political decisions and the approval of a new government.
For the congress of authorized zemstvos, dispersed by the police on December 9, Georgy Evgenievich prepared a wonderful speech, which was never delivered. “We have passed this hard path of state labor under the constant shelling of the authorities hostile to our work ... There is no power, because in reality the government does not have it and does not lead the country,” the prince wrote. And after the police chief drew up a protocol on the closing of the congress, Georgy Evgenievich, jumping onto a chair, exclaimed: "And yet we will win, we will win, gentlemen!" Isn't it true that amazing metamorphoses occurred with a calm and previously unobtrusive person at crowded meetings?
Speaking about Lviv as a leader, it is necessary to note many positive sides his activities at the head of the VZS and Zemgor. Georgy Evgenievich conceived and carried out a business unprecedented in its scale in the history of Russia. Public organizations, being indispensable in mobilizing the forces of the country, were not limited by the framework of bureaucratic red tape, and formalism, from which any activity in our country always suffers. He himself is not a big fan of formalities, in the interests of a living cause, the prince often acted bypassing official authorities, often incurring criticism from officials. But, of course, given the enormous benefits of the organization's activities, it is still impossible not to mention some controversial points in the assessments of his leadership of the union. Georgy Evgenievich represented a peculiar type of leader, called liberal-democratic by psychologists, or a combination of an "inconspicuous" leader with a "colleague." Such a director, on the one hand, is little involved in management processes, delegating most of his functions to subordinates, and on the other hand, actively encourages the initiative of employees, consulting with them and maintaining a friendly atmosphere of creativity. People who knew the work of the prince and the relationship in the team from the inside noted that he was the "living and inspiring center" of the work, the soul of the Zemsoyuz. The official of the Ministry of Agriculture A.A. Tatishchev wrote that among his employees, Lvov "caused some kind of adoration and admiration." However, some contemporaries who visited the Main Committee of the VZU recalled how, often without looking, he signed the papers that employees brought, because of his strong employment, allowing them to sign his name even on official telegrams.
In our country, sooner or later, this leadership style was bound to lead to abuses by unscrupulous employees of the organization. It is interesting that the prince always ardently defended himself against accusations of connivance, assuring that he did not know anything about this. Meanwhile, the Police Department, which followed the VZS especially closely in the period from 1915, registered a huge number of incoming denunciations, especially from its front-line committees. The mass recruitment of relatives of working and zemstvo employees of military age, financial fraud that took place in local committees, and, finally, frequent cases of revolutionary propaganda by “zemgusars” in the army are the main accusations contained in such reports. These negative phenomena, to which Georgy Evgenievich personally had no direct relation, significantly discredited the Zemsoyuz itself in the eyes of a certain part of society. Rumors circulated in Moscow that the VZS had its own “tax” for hiring young people, depending on “reservation for places from assassination attempts by a military commander.” In fairness, it must be said that other rear organizations have sinned with corruption to no less extent. However, the relatively small numerical size of these institutions and their state status did not allow right-wing circles to accuse the latter of abuses as zealously as they got in the "patriotic" press of the VZS and VSG. The aforementioned negative phenomena became especially widespread by 1916.
Being the head of the VZS and expanding the scope of his activities, Lvov also had a very rare talent - he knew how to extract huge funds from the government for the union. Even his ill-wishers and enemies could not refuse this merit to the prince. Passing millions of rubles through his hands, he lived a very modest life and died without leaving a large inheritance. Later, memoirists who characterized the activities of Georgy Evgenievich without embellishment and even often with a clear tinge of criticism, however, unanimously and firmly noted his personal innocence in all the financial abuses that took place in the Zemsoyuz. Reading their reviews of Lvov, it must be taken into account that it was his political defeat as the head of the Provisional Government that mainly crossed out his previous Zemstvo achievements and the good name that the prince rightfully deserved over many years of public life and service to the Fatherland. A significant part of Russian society, which left the country during the civil war, was inclined to accuse Georgy Evgenievich of all sins, often making his life in exile unbearable.
Created by combining the VZS and VSG in June 1915, Zemgor became the center of a kind of volunteer and labor mobilization of that part of the intelligentsia, which during Russo-Japanese War was in a defeatist mood. Contact with the army healed and sobered public opinion, giving the active impulses of people stamina and efficiency. With their humanitarian work, the Zemsky and City Unions saved millions of lives of our compatriots, whether they were wounded soldiers or civilians fleeing from the advance of enemy armies. Care for the wounded in the battalions and ambulance trains of the Zemsoyuz was more human in nature than the same services in military hospitals - often domestic, relatively minor concerns, brightened up the harsh front-line life. On the cold nights of military transfers, the soldiers greatly appreciated the opportunity to drink a mug of hot tea, and the gifts sent for the holidays filled their hearts with warmth. Funding of most government-initiated VZS and VSG initiatives, unprecedented in scale, eventually made them a powerful factor in Russian public life, allowing them to directly enter the arena of political struggle for a democratic society.
Russia's transition to liberalism took place at a very difficult time. For three years, the country waged an unhappy war against Germany and its allies, which ultimately led to an economic and political crisis. The people were tired of failures, and the country needed a "responsible ministry" invested with the people's trust. The turbulent events of the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd led to the abdication of the Emperor and members of his family, the creation of the first democratic government in Russia, which embarked on the path of liberal reforms. The provisional government proclaimed political freedoms and the rights of citizens for all the peoples of the country, abolished all class privileges, national restrictions, punitive institutions, abolished repressive legislation, released political prisoners from prisons and exile, etc., however, everything that in its time was proclaimed by the slogans of the rebellious citizens in 1905.
The Provisional Committee of the State Duma played a paramount role in the formation of the new government - which included figures from the Progressive Bloc, mainly representatives of the Octobrist and Cadets parties. It was around this core that the main driving and liberal forces of the reformers gathered in the first days of the February Revolution of 1917. From the first days of the revolution, the committee also enjoyed considerable influence among the soldiers, whose units were quartered in Petrograd. When the abdication of the throne of Emperor Nicholas II became a reality, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Central Committee of the Kadet Party immediately began to actively discuss the issue of a government of people's trust, to form this supreme body new power. It was supposed to be a temporary government appointed to govern the country until the time of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.
Book. Lvov headed the government and carried out the functions of chairman and minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in it. On March 2, 1917, it was Emperor Nicholas II who named Georgy Evgenievich in his decree appointing him Chairman of the Council of Ministers. And at one time Rodzianko also agreed to this candidacy of the future prime minister. Here is the composition of the first Cabinet of Ministers of the Provisional Government. The Provisional Government was headed by a well-known liberal, the head of Zemgor, Prince. G.E. Lvov. The well-known cadet P.N. became the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Milyukov, military and naval minister - Octobrist A.I. Guchkov, the socialist A.F. was appointed Minister of Justice. Kerensky, agriculture - A.I. Shingarev, communications - N.V. Nekrasov, public education - A.A. Manuilov, trade and industry - A.I. Konovalov, Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko, deputy minister of internal affairs, acting minister - D.M. Shchepkin. In addition, the following took part in the meetings of the Provisional Government: Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V.N. Lvov (namesake), the state controller I.V. Godnev.
It should be clarified that during the February Revolution, Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies also began to form - in particular, the Petrograd Council. However, in the first days of the revolution, they were not a sufficiently influential force and therefore could not seriously intervene in the struggle for power. The Soviets became a real political force only later, and then the rivalry of these two forces led to the emergence of the so-called dual power. The Petrograd Soviet managed to include in the Provisional Government only one of its nominees - A.F. Kerensky.
The main governing body of the government was the ministerial meeting or " great advice”, the “small council” also acted - it was a meeting of comrades (deputy) ministers. The meetings were attended by: the Minister-Chairman, the Ministers of Internal Affairs, Finance, Military and Naval, Justice, Communications, Agriculture, Trade and Industry, Foreign Affairs, Public Education and other senior government officials. In the first months of the Provisional Government's activity, many of the most important political decisions were made in agreement with the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (for example, the composition of the first coalition government was agreed in May 1917 with the Provisional Committee). In July, everything was already decided without agreement with him, and at the same time, the influence of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets increased. And, above all, the Petrograd Soviet, and this influence was constantly growing, and the authority of state power, in turn, was falling, failing to find support among the masses agitated by the liberal expanse. Therefore, the question of power, of relations with the Soviets, of the struggle for influence over the masses, was of primary concern to the Provisional Government. Paying tribute to the mood that prevailed in society in the early days of the February Revolution, a number of former tsarist ministers were arrested; a resolution is adopted on the formation of an Extraordinary Investigative Commission to conduct an investigation over them. A general amnesty was declared, under which political convicts and exiles received freedom, and on April 25, the administrative exile itself, which had previously been widely used, was also canceled.
During this period, the Provisional Government devoted much attention to solving the problems of the national outskirts of the empire. Already at the beginning of March, all national, religious, class restrictions were abolished in the training of officers, the percentage rate for Jews when they entered higher educational institutions was abolished, and a bill was introduced to abolish all national and religious restrictions. On March 4, all articles of laws that limited the constitution of Finland were repealed. The provisional government took a number of fundamentally correct steps - first of all, the transfer of power to self-government bodies; elected on a democratic basis, but at the same time experienced the greatest difficulties precisely in “ national question that broke out on the outskirts of the empire. The February revolution actually destroyed the former state apparatus, and made its remnants incapacitated. The power vertical in the country was destroyed, and new system has not yet had time to take shape, representing a heap of all kinds of commissions and various committees. They were created under the pressure of the circumstances accompanying the revolution. These new bodies acted in great haste and rather chaotically, and their apparent impotence led to new personnel changes and reorganizations, both in the center and in the regions. All the former state structures, canceled retroactively, collapsed overnight - almost no one in the country opposed this. Meanwhile, both the old and new authorities were practically inactive. And if in 1917 Russia had a chance to become a democratic state, then in time it remained unfulfilled.
The most extensive reorganizations took place in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. And so the "breaking of the old structures" was the main concern of Prince. G.E. Lvov as his minister. At that time, the following were in the position of Deputy Ministers: D.M. Shchepkin, Prince. S.D. Urusov, S.M. Leontiev. They were entrusted with preparing administrative reform in the center and locally. But the real situation was no longer conducive to vigorous activity and clearly got out of the control of the reformers themselves.
The defeat at the front during the June offensive of the Russian army rekindled revolutionary ferment in Petrograd. At the same time, the question of strengthening discipline in the active army itself arose sharply - it was not possible to get rid of desertion in it. Repeated attempts were made by the Provisional Government and the military command to send revolutionary-minded units of the Petrograd garrison to the front who succumbed to propaganda. In response, a frenzied propaganda campaign was organized by the left, denouncing the imperialist war and the bourgeois government of the "capitalist ministers". Because this threatened the Bolsheviks with the loss of influence on the soldiers, they were deprived of the forces with which they expected to seize power. These events again, as in February, the month, led to unrest among the soldiers of the spare parts from the regiments stationed in the northern capital. The situation was also exacerbated by the political crisis in the Provisional Government itself. It arose in connection with the demands to grant autonomy to the Ukrainian "Central Rada".
The socialists, members of the government, were inclined to satisfy these demands, but the Kadet representatives came out strongly against it. The crisis in the government complicated the political situation in the country and led to the collapse of the first coalition government.
By the beginning of July 1917, the activities of all political groups in the capital, left and right, intensified, intensive negotiations began between various political groups. Tsereteli, in his memoirs, argued that Freemasons played an active role in them. It was supposed to replace the book. Lvov as Minister-Chairman of the Provisional Government Kerensky, which could help strengthen power. He argued that the Cadets only used the Ukrainian issue as a pretext, but the main thing was the desire to shift the responsibility for the threatening situation in the country to their coalition partners.
A wave of armed uprisings swept through the capital, connected with an attempt by the Soviets to overthrow the legitimate government. And on July 4, Kerensky sent in the name of Prince. Lvov's sharp telegram demanding "the cessation of treacherous actions, the disarmament of the rebellious units and the bringing to justice of all instigators and rebels." This public rebuff was probably also one of the reasons for the resignation of the liberal minister-chairman. On July 7, 1917, at the suggestion of the Military and Naval Minister Kerensky, the government decides "to disband all military units that took part in the armed rebellion in early July 1917." A proposal "to investigate the organization of the armed uprising on July 3-5" was adopted. In fact, the Provisional Government did not hesitate to resort to drastic measures to suppress the unrest - who will blame him for this? True, there are big doubts about the pre-positioned police machine guns on the roofs during the spontaneous riots organized by left-wing extremists on the streets.
The same script again, already in October, brought a well-deserved "success".
In the new circumstances, the Provisional Government accepts the resignation of the Prime Minister Prince. G.E. Lvov and a number of ministers (members of the Cadet Party): A.A. Manuilova, Prince. DI. Shakhovsky, N.V. Nekrasov (he remained in the Cabinet, leaving the members of the Cadet Party), A.I. Shingareva, P.N. Pereverzev and the manager of the Ministry of Trade V.A. Stepanova. And on July 24, the resignation of I.G. Tsereteli, V.N. Lvova, I.V. Godnev. A different period in the history of the Provisional Government began, a new style of leadership, which was later called the "Government for the Salvation of the Revolution." His efforts were focused primarily on the suppression of political opponents of the extreme left. However, it was more of a declaration of intent - a list of the main tasks, without explaining the mechanism and real possibility their implementation. These somewhat belated measures could no longer bring the country to calm and soon plunged it into the October Revolution - the overthrow of the legitimate government.
Nurturing Russia as his Aleksinian garden, Lvov tried to keep the country above the abyss where history was destined to fall. He tried not to get involved in anyone's interests that were tearing the country apart into parties and clans. By this “inaction”, the prince very quickly acquired many ill-wishers and enemies, disappointed supporters from all sides. According to Polner, Georgy Evgenievich possessed strong character, with a strong will, was a man of quick decisions. That is, a man created for management, possessing a great administrative talent and an extraordinary gift for communicating with people. And such a person turned out to be simply without any opportunity to act. Some political leaders wrongly considered him more of a decorative figure "at the helm" of power, guaranteeing the government much-needed authority. They were soon disappointed with the impossibility of "governing" Lvov, who really had no real political power behind him in the form of parties and associates.
The prince had only the moral authority of his entire 30-year immaculate Zemstvo service for the good of the Fatherland. Being a man of duty all his life, he saw himself only as the head of a temporary government, obliged to lead the country to the All-Russian Zemsky Sobor, which alone has the right to decide the future fate of the peoples. Georgy Evgenievich, apparently, is rightly reproached for the weak and indecisive Provisional Government. But try to govern yourself, relying only on the power of the Law, where new law not written, and never was held in high esteem! Moreover, Lvov passed by the temptation of power and power that is practically unlimited for our semi-Asian country. “He was far from any symbolism of power, because he wanted to open the abyss between old and new Russia as deeply as possible ...” - A.F. wrote about Prince A.F. Kerensky.
However, in conditions of revolutionary chaos and violence, other forces and people came to the fore. The provisional government headed by Lvov, by our current modern standards, was weak and weak-willed. These people, sincerely longing for changes, striving for them, simply did not understand what forces prompted them. They did not understand that the times of great blood, millions of victims had come. Perhaps there is no event in recent history Russia is more distorted and deliberately falsified than the history of the Russian revolution. Undoubtedly, the main factor that acted earlier, and partially now, was the dictatorship of the ideology of Bolshevism and the concept of the October Revolution, stagnant in time.
The most intense work and exhausting political struggle completely exhausted Georgy Evgenievich's strength. In the autumn of 1917, the prince was treated for a long time, leaving Moscow, he went to Siberia, which he always considered the land of limitless economic opportunities. I wanted to do what I did best - a concrete matter, and not fight political opponents. When everything collapsed, there was a real threat of death beyond the Urals, while the sailors were carrying the arrested man, at each stop they pointedly led him to the wall to “shoot him”. Then a prison in Yekaterinburg not far from the infamous Ipatiev house and rescued from it. Under the conditions of the civil war, Lvov managed not to stain his hands with blood, and in exile he helped hundreds of thousands of Russian refugees in every possible way, creating various funds to support them.
And here, in his involuntary emigration, the outstanding personality of Georgy Evgenievich appears before us as a multifaceted one, which other myths and legends did not pass by, and often direct slander created by his political opponents, disappointed supporters and various ill-wishers. The person who is up to last days did not leave practical work while working abroad. He was still lucky: not many of his peers and like-minded friends of Georgy Evgenievich reached the last stage of the journey - Paris.
When the Berlin Wall fell a few years ago, the wall of many years of silence about the Russian tragedy of the first wave of emigrants at the beginning of the 20th century collapsed with it. The memory of the Russian diaspora is the memory of the activities of Zemgor, an organization headed by Prince. Lvov in the first hopeless years of involuntary emigration. What do we know about them, people who remember the eloquent lessons of history that took place in their youth. Not only in textbooks, but also in patriotic plays and films, the romantic figure of the “red” hero loomed before our eyes, who invariably defeated the pampered and cynical “man of the past”. In the extreme case, with a number of energetic arguments, the hero forced him to submit morally: to clean the streets, sort out the rubbish of devastation, build roads, teach children, and even repair the Kremlin clock...
But hundreds of thousands of people did not want to do this, they did not recognize the new government and social order. Having gone through the streams of malice and cruelty, the violence of the civil war, having experienced the terrible decomposition of the country, its devastation, the desecration of churches, the atrocities of the Chechens and much more, these people (mostly Russian intelligentsia, military and officials) fled in horror. Becoming refugees they had to go through that way of the cross parting with the Motherland, which became known to us from now frequent books of memoirs. Our compatriots-Russians were waiting for wandering around different countries in search of a place to live and raise children. The search for work, as a rule, is difficult, physical, just to feed yourself and your family.
The severity of mutual hatred that divided the country into two camps does not pass so quickly. Violence and robberies swept not only throughout the country, but also through the souls of these people. What was created not only “red”, but also “white” and “green”, filled the cup of suffering of the people with new tears and blood, confusing all these colors in their minds. Terrible and monstrous is the Russian revolt "senseless and merciless", but in the new conditions it was necessary to live and establish this new life.
The time has come for new works for Georgy Evgenievich in his involuntary emigration. We now know the epic with his fantastic rescue from prison in Yekaterinburg, and from there the path to Admiral A.V. Kolchak, as the Supreme Ruler of Russia and the leader of the fight against the Bolsheviks in Siberia. Lvov participated in the 2nd Chelyabinsk meeting (August 20-25, 1918) of representatives of Komuch, the Siberian and Ural provisional governments. Georgy Evgenievich left the country with authority from the Ufa Directory - the "Provisional All-Russian Government", which decided to send him to the United States to negotiate with the American government on military and logistical assistance to the Siberian anti-Bolshevik forces. In September-October 1918, the prince arrived in the United States from Vladivostok via Tokyo and San Francisco to meet with President Woodrow Wilson. America, and then Europe, where he turned to the governments of these countries for help and hoped - did not bring the desired results, and here is Georgy Evgenievich in France.
While fighting was going on in Siberia, he raised funds for the sanitary provision of the White Army, and later, when the Civil War in Russia ended, for the food of Russian refugees in the capitals and on the outskirts of Europe. For a while, while refugees were all the rage, his appeals to wealthy philanthropists paid off. Soon, however, their favors began to dwindle, new world problems came to the fore, and money was running out catastrophically.
Representatives of the French government categorically stated that they would stop providing assistance to refugees by January 1, 1921, and proposed the formation of a public Russian non-partisan charitable committee. Meanwhile, after the evacuation, representatives of the Zemsky and City Unions, who worked in the South of Russia, ended up in emigration. The Russian diplomatic representatives, who still had quite a lot of state funds in their hands, were ready to help the refugees through an apolitical charitable committee. The conference of ambassadors, striving in every possible way to achieve such a difficult-to-achieve unification of representatives of the Russian public, even decided that in the event of the formation of the projected Committee, all assignments of ambassadors for the needs of refugees would go exclusively through such a central Zemstvo-City Committee.
Book. Lvov, together with the Council of the local French organization for helping refugees (“Associations of Zemstvo and city leaders in France”) took the lead in creating the intended central organization. At the end of 1920, signed by Georgy Evgenievich, invitations were sent to send their delegates to Paris to all the central bodies of the Zemsky and City Unions, and in January 1921 the assembled delegates discussed and adopted general provisions of the Charter of the Russian Zemstvo-City Committee for Assistance to Russian Citizens Abroad. At the same time, it was established as the main guiding principle that the Committee is an apolitical institution, pursuing exclusively humanitarian tasks - providing all kinds of assistance to all, without distinction, Russian citizens in need abroad.
This association took place around the name of Lvov, and in subsequent years he invariably, until his death, was elected chairman of both organizations - local, French ("Associations of zemstvo and city leaders in France") and - central, for all countries where the Russians managed to get refugees. The most difficult part of the work - finding funds - fell entirely on the shoulders of the prince, at the same time, with bitterness, he had to make sure that he was far from enjoying the prestige to which he was used to with a number of emigrant communities. The very name of Georgy Evgenievich, and some other figures of Zemgor, aroused suspicion, irritation, sometimes even outright hatred among the military of the Volunteer Army and other "right" emigrant communities ...
And now there are many fabrications about the last years of the life of the book. Lvov. Here it would be appropriate to debunk a certain myth about the "poor" life of Georgy Evgenievich and his occupations - already composed by modern authors from the pages of T.I. Polner. This is not difficult to do by quoting a letter that N.V. sent to the author. Vyrubov: “...why write that G.E. was poor in Paris. This is completely wrong. He lived modestly, as was his nature, but not poor. Near Paris, in Boulogne, where we lived, on comfortable apartment life was normal and without need (underlined by Vyrubov - I.S.). G.E. lived at the expense of Zemgor, he had an employee and little house in a village near Paris that he bought. In the countryside, he helped the peasants because he liked to do it. There was no earnings by craft or labor - it's all invented. It seems that comments on this letter will not be required - Lvov's whole life has passed before us.
The prince, through the Zemstvo-City Committee, had previously sought to raise funds for the “Association” cash desk and even made personal collections for his needs. So, for example, thanks to the authority of Lvov and his persistent efforts, it was possible to attract donations for the creation in Paris kindergarten, which functioned perfectly in all subsequent years. But the main attention of the prince and his main concerns since 1921 were concentrated on the activities of Zemgor (“Zemsko-City Committee for Assistance to Russian Citizens Abroad”). The tasks of this institution were reduced to attracting funds from various sources to help refugees and distributing them among numerous organizations working in different countries to provide this assistance.
It was of the most diverse nature and extended to finding work, food, the supply of clothing, shoes and housing, treatment, education, and charity. The main efforts of charitable organizations (including the League of Nations) were reduced to the resettlement of Russian refugees in the Balkan countries. But Serbia and Bulgaria, devastated by the war, demanded at least the immediate future of the refugees resettled to them, and the funds at the disposal of the Financial Council of Ambassadors were, of course, not unlimited. They melted quickly. Lvov participated in the council and defended Zemgor's estimates in every possible way. Even the first, extensive report by Zemgor for 1921, taking into account the areas of work to be reduced, reported: “Cultural and educational assistance to children requires the most attention and effort. This is the only kind of assistance that has not yet been cut. The future belongs to children, their upbringing and education arouse the greatest sympathy and sympathy in everyone ... ". We know Lvov's longstanding interest in the problems of children's education. At the beginning of the century, in his family estate in Popovka, he opened a “ministerial” rural school. The prince also dealt extensively with the participation of the zemstvo in the public education of the Tula province.
When there was an inevitable need for significant reductions, naturally, Zemgor put forward cultural and educational activities in the plan for further work and significantly reduced labor, charitable, and medical care. Previously, it was these areas of work that were mainly in charge of the Zemsky Union. In the estimate for 1923, it was planned to liquidate many of his institutions, and often, due to circumstances, the entire zemstvo business. But Georgy Evgenievich did not give up: he managed to raise funds from completely new sources. So Serbia, and Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia provided assistance to the best of their ability to Russian refugees and their institutions located within the boundaries of each of these states. Lvov, in personal conversations with some statesmen, managed to convince his interlocutors of the need to go beyond the borders of their countries in helping Russian youth, and to support the cultural and educational undertakings of Zemgor in other states. Thus, a new large subsidy was created, which increased in subsequent years and made it possible not only to preserve, but even expand the cultural and educational institutions of Zemgor. What gave a new impetus to the already begun gradual concentration of the work of the Zemstvo-City Committee, headed by the prince, precisely on school work and on caring for Russian children. In 1921, only 21.4% of the total budget was spent on this item, in 1922 - 50.8%, in 1923 - 78.1%, in 1924 - 83.4%, and in 1925 it was appointed already 91.1%.
It was children whose position, devoid of the force of the circumstances of education, upbringing and the elementary conditions of a normal human existence, caused the Russian emigration special pain. Therefore, one of the most important tasks of the intelligentsia in exile was to take care of their younger generation, to educate them in the spirit of the best traditions of Russian culture. So that emigrant youth, having received a store of useful knowledge and skills, at the same time remain Russian in spirit, in their feeling and knowledge of Russia.
It is known that the flows of Russian refugees poured into Europe in three ways. From the south, through Constantinople, where, together with the retreating white armies of generals A.I. Denikin and P.N. Wrangel (1920 - 1921), there was an active evacuation of the civilian population leaving with them. Another well-known route is the land route, which went through the borders of the Baltic states (formerly part of the empire), where many emigrants settled. The third route - existed in the Far East, it went through Vladivostok, mainly to China and Manchuria.
The urgent measures taken by European governments to protect themselves from hungry crowds of refugees have led to the fact that their main masses have not been able to settle more or less evenly throughout Europe. They were detained and settled on their flight routes from the country: the southern group of refugees - in Turkey and the Balkans, mainly in the Slavic lands; eastern - in the Baltic states, in Poland and Finland. The rest of Europe was initially penetrated by only a small number of refugees, more affluent or slightly more enterprising. The number of Russian refugees of the 1st wave in Europe has never been established by any official registration; Moreover, there were no statistics. Hundreds of thousands of refugees from Soviet Russia, scattered in many neighboring countries, needed literally everything: housing and daily bread, work, education for children, medical care. In 1921, the "Russian Zemgor" recreated in Paris under the leadership of Prince. Lvov organized hundreds of Russian schools, dispensaries, hospitals, nursing homes throughout Europe from the Balkans to France. His representatives were present at the factories where Russian people worked, and one can talk about simple and everyday help for a very long time.
For the next fundraising, Georgy Evgenievich had a chance to live in America for 5 months (1921-1922) - almost as long as he served as head of the Provisional Government. During this time, he held difficult negotiations with many public and state figures, managed to convince them not only that humanitarian assistance was needed for needy emigrants, but also, in view of the general famine, Soviet Russia should also be provided.
Where fate did not throw Lvov: the Far East, Manchuria, Canada, France, the USA, countries and people, and he remembered all his life about his parent village Popovka - his small homeland. His memoirs are poetic, they breathe simplicity and cordiality, love for his native Tula region. They have recently been re-published in Russia by the Russian Put publishing house. The same publishing house also published biographical memoirs of T.I. Polner - secretary and friend of Prince. G.E. Lvov, which gives us the opportunity to get to know them directly, and not in a free retelling.
Book. Georgy Evgenievich Lvov died suddenly on March 6, 1925, at the age of 64. Buried in the Russian cemetery in Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois near Paris, now his ashes rest there under a modest marble family slab among countless Russian graves. Lvov, in terms of kinship and friendship, belonged to the Russian aristocratic elite and traveled a path more or less common to that part of it that paved the way for new and democratic trends in the country. Not accepting the revolution in its original form, the prince was forced to leave his homeland and go through the hard way of the cross of an involuntary emigrant, not wanting to adapt to other social conditions. The fate of Georgy Evgenievich is beautiful and tragic. By 1917, there was not a single person in Russia who did not know about him, and today, alas, only specialist historians, and even a few erudite, remember.
In the clear days of late October - early November 2001, a significant phenomenon occurred in the Tula region. A 3-day regional conference dedicated to the 140th anniversary of the book was held in Aleksin. Georgy Evgenyevich Lvov: "Local Self-Government: Traditions and Modernity", which brought together about 100 representatives, including from France. This is a remarkable event for the Tula region - for the first time in such a volume the name of a prominent public figure and zemstvo has returned here, who has done a lot for its inhabitants and all of Russia. There were scientists, historians and zemstvo figures from Tula and Moscow, representatives of the Tula governor Starodubtsev and descendants of the Prince. Lvovs. Delegates from the local Tula regions and the chairman of the Russian Zemgor in France, Yu.A. Trubnikov. All three days, putting aside his other affairs, the mayor of the city Aleksina A.F. presided over the conference. Yermoshin, without the energy and decisive pressure of his team, these events would hardly have happened here.
The topic of the "Lviv Days in Aleksin", held already in October 2002, was "Development of zemstvo traditions in the activities of modern representative bodies of local self-government." One of the most topical here was the task of attracting to joint activities the maximum number of supporters of the idea of reviving the historical and cultural traditions that exist in small towns in Russia. And on February 17, 2003, a founding conference was held in Aleksin, which adopted the Charter of the new public organization “Historical and Educational Society named after Prince. Georgy Evgenyevich Lvov "(" Lviv Society "). Other ideas reflected in the "Lvov project" are being worthily implemented, and these are: November 2, 2001 in the village of Popovka (the estate of Prince Lvov) a memorial sign was opened in honor of the 140th anniversary of the birth of Georgy Evgenievich. May 24, 2003 in the center of the city of Aleksin, a monument to Prince. G.E. Lvov (author - sculptor I.Yu. Sosner), and on November 26, 2004, the first museum in Russia of the history of local self-government was opened, the central part of the exposition of which is devoted to Lvov's activities in the zemstvo field.
The return of the name of Georgy Evgenievich in the memory of subsequent generations gradually acquires the hardness of an indestructible stone. This is what compels various researchers to engage in a thorough search and study of the life and creative heritage of Lviv, which, alas, has not come down to us in full - for a number of well-known reasons. Most recently, a collection of articles “Kn. George Lvov. Return of the name”, financially supported non-profit organization Scientific Foundation for Theoretical and Applied Research "Liberal Mission". The same Foundation, within the walls of the MICEX conference hall, held a broad discussion of the “lessons” of the February Revolution of 1917 with the presentation of a collection about the fate of Prince. Lvov.
The era of rapid change leaves its mark on everything. Great people do not live outside of place and space, but, on the contrary, the typical features of the time are most strongly reflected through them. So it was with Georgy Evgenievich. His quick, almost fabulous rise from a modest Tula landowner to prime minister, and in fact the ruler of a new and democratic Russia, his successes in the all-zemstvo field, which created the glory of a “practical” genius, and, finally, the sad decline of life in exile, a lonely death - all this is closely related to his era. Time, not heroes, dictate events. The stormy twentieth century has sunk into oblivion, the great shadow of the "new" order, which shook the world with horror, has long since faded away. History sheds its bright light into the darkness of the past, and before us appears as a living figure of this extraordinary and silent man. Lvov did not know how to keep himself in the midst of a large assembly; had neither a loud voice, nor eloquence, nor the ability to manage an assembly. In these cases, he was confused in words, spoke quietly and, apparently, was embarrassed. But in a private, not crowded conversation, he was one of the most charming people. The conversation with him was interesting. Accurate words, lively speech, and a versatile knowledge of the life of the people, the ability to captivate his interlocutor - all this attracted him. On these pages, through the fragments of the life of the book itself. Georgy Evgenyevich Lvov reveals the fate of a whole generation of Russian public and zemstvo figures who lived in the dream of the common good - people whose history has not yet been written.
This text is an abbreviated version of an already published book (2006) with the same name and a circulation of 800 copies. The publication was shortlisted for the Third All-Russian competition of regional and local history literature " Small Motherland". It was held by the Federal Agency for Press and Mass Communications together with the General Directorate of International Book Exhibitions and Fairs with the participation of the Center for Local History and Moscow Studies of the Russian State Humanitarian University and the Department of Regional History and Local Lore of the IAI RGGU. The competition received about 500 books from more than 140 publishing houses from 72 Russian regions. The book "Prince Georgy Lvov. Return of the Name" as a nominee of the competition received a certificate of honor: http://www.roskraeved.ru/all-news/mar16_2007.html
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Lvov Georgy Evgenievich (1861-1925) - Russian public and statesman, head of the Provisional Government of Russia in March-June 1917, an active participant in the Zemstvo movement.
Born October 21, 1861 in Dresden. Comes from the specific Yaroslavl princes and their main ancestor - Lev Danilovich Zubatov-Yaroslavsky, in the 14th century. who served as grand prince. Tver Ivan Mikhailovich. His father, E.V. Lvov, became famous for his liberal views; included in the management of his own estates only after 1861, when they became very poor and almost did not bring income.
The group began to argue. The sailors wanted to take me to Kronstadt as a hostage of the revolution. The workers demanded the transfer of all those arrested to the Yekaterinburg Soviet. Zapkus got caught in some dirty deeds and ended up in prison himself. The squad broke up. Workers and soldiers took us to Yekaterinburg... We lived in an atmosphere of murder. People were dragged out of the wagons, put "to the firewood" and shot...
Lvov Georgy Evgenievich
Mother, Varvara Alekseevna, came from a family of small landed nobles. The childhood of Lvov and his brothers passed in the estate of Popovka, Tula province .; when the children grew up, the family moved to Moscow. After graduating from high school in 1880-1885, he studied at the Faculty of Law of Moscow University, and after graduation in 1886 - 1889 he worked as a member of the provincial presence in Tula. Here he stood up for the peasants severely punished by the chief, which led to his break with the local authorities and his resignation.
In February 1900 he was elected zemstvo chief in the Moscow district. He combined work with economic activity on the estate, which began to generate income. In 1900 he became chairman of the Tula Zemstvo Council, at the same time he married c. Yu.A.Bobrinskaya (died in 1903). Neo-Slavophile by political views, he quickly became an active participant in the zemstvo movement, at the beginning of the 20th century. organized the fight against hunger.
During the Russo-Japanese War, he was a member of a commission of 360 commissioners from 14 provincial zemstvo organizations that traveled to Manchuria to organize mobile medical stations for Russian soldiers. His assistance to the commander of the army, General A.N. Kuropatkin, is known for organizing infirmaries for the wounded in Harbin and their transportation from the battlefields.
After returning to Moscow at the end of 1904, he took part in the First All-Zemstvo Congress, as well as in the next six congresses of "Zemstvo" 1904-1905. In May 1905, he was part of a delegation from zemstvo organizations accepted by Tsar Nicholas II: the delegation was sent to convey the "address" from the chairmen of provincial councils and zemstvo councilors, as well as members of city dumas regarding the convening representative body authorities. A convinced Tolstoyan, Lvov believed that his main task was to promote "the gradual renewal of the social system in order to eliminate the domination of violence from it and establish conditions favorable to the benevolent unity of people."
After the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, S.Yu. Witte offered Lvov the post of Minister of Agriculture, but he refused, considering the Manifesto "the great lie of the times." He was selected from the bloc of Cadets and Octobrists of the Tula province. In the I State Duma, and after its dissolution - in the II State Duma. As a deputy, he participated in charitable events to help the starving and needy fire victims. He shared some of the ideas of P.A. Stolypin, during the years of his premiership he was sent to Irkutsk to assist the settlers (1908). In 1909 he published a book on the Amur region, in which he criticized Russian authorities for the inability to provide for the life of immigrants, and at his own expense went to Canada to study the resettlement business. In 1912, his candidacy for the post of Moscow mayor was rejected by the Minister of the Interior, who saw in public speaking Lvov "poison of anti-government propaganda".
With the outbreak of the First World War, Lvov, having shown himself to be a person of remarkable organizational skills, headed the All-Russian Zemstvo Union for Assistance to Sick and Wounded Soldiers (VZS), and after this union merged with the All-Russian Union of Cities (VSG) and created the so-called Zemgora, he headed it. In a short time, this organization of assistance to the army with an annual budget of 600 million rubles. became the main public institution engaged in equipping hospitals and hospital trains, supplying clothing and footwear for the army (it was in charge of 75 trains and 3 thousand infirmaries, in which more than 2.5 million sick and wounded soldiers and officers received treatment).
Prince Georgy Lvov. Name return
Prince Lvov Georgy Evgenievich, an outstanding Russian state, political and public figure, head of the Provisional Government of Russia, an active participant in the Zemstvo movement.
Born in Dresden. In various Russian and foreign reference books and encyclopedias, the date of birth of Prince Lvov is indicated - October 21 (according to the old style) or November 2 (new style) 1861. However, in last years publications appeared in which, on the basis of new archival investigations, another date of birth is called - November 18 (old style) or November 30 (new style).
Childhood G.E. Lvov and his brothers took place in the Popovka estate of the Aleksinsky district of the Tula province. After graduating from high school, Lvov studied at the Faculty of Law of Moscow University, and after graduation he worked as a member of the provincial presence in Tula.
In 1892, his participation in the zemstvo movement in Aleksinsky district began.
Prince Lvov was elected chairman of the Tula provincial zemstvo council (1903-1906), a deputy of the First State Duma from the Tula province.
G.E. Lvov was one of the founders of the Joint Committee of the Zemstvo-City Union (Zemgora), of which he had been chairman since 1915. In 1914-1918 he was chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union.
In 1917, during the February Revolution, he was elected head of the Provisional Government.
In July 1917 Prince Lvov resigned.
Lvov never thought about revolution, was a supporter of peaceful struggle, advocated democratic reforms carried out only at the initiative of the tsar. He imagined the future of Russia in the form of a monarchy with ministers responsible to a legitimately elected popular representation. When he was asked the question: "Wouldn't it have been better to refuse?" (to lead the government), he replied: "I could not help but go there."
With the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, G.E. Lvov fled to Tyumen, where he was arrested in February 1918 and taken to Yekaterinburg. He fled again, and already in Omsk, having contacted representatives of the white movement, he left in October 1918 for the USA.
In December 1918, Prince Lvov left for France via London, where he continued his active political and social activities.
In 1920, in Paris, under the chairmanship of Prince G.E. Lvov, the Association of Zemstvo and city leaders in France was created, the main purpose of which was to provide assistance to Russian emigrants in France, the “Russian Zemstvo-City Committee for Assistance to Russian Citizens Abroad” was created. G.E. became the chairman of the new association. Lvov.
Prince G.E. died. Lvov at the age of 64 on March 6, 1925 in Paris. He was buried in the Vyrubov family grave in the Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois cemetery.
The ZEMGOR organization created by the prince in 1921 in Paris still exists (Yu.A. Trubnikov, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Parisian Zemgor).
LVOV GEORGY EVGENIEVICH
(born in 1861 - died in 1925)
One of the leaders of the Cadet Party in Russia and the February Revolution of 1917, the first Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of revolutionary Russia.
The name of the first Prime Minister of the revolutionary democratic Provisional Government of Russia, Georgy Lvov, is known today only to specialists. The dizzying political career of the 55-year-old Prince Lvov, descended from the Rurik family, ended in inglorious oblivion. A year after his resignation, few people remembered the "All-Russian revolutionary prince-ruler."
Georgy Evgenyevich Lvov was born on October 21, 1861 in Dresden, where the impoverished princely Lvov family left after the sale of the estate. The Lvovs were able to return to Russia only a few years later, when they received an inheritance - an estate in the Tula province. In 1886, Georgy Lvov graduated from the law faculty of Moscow University and was appointed a member of the Epifan Presence for Peasant Affairs, later he served as a zemstvo chief, was a member of the provincial presence in Tula, was elected a member of the Tula zemstvo council, and in 1900 became its chairman. In the 1890s and at the beginning of the 20th century, Prince Lvov was a typical Russian liberal landowner and capitalist entrepreneur. His worldview bizarrely combined Slavophilism and Westernism, Freemasonry and Tolstoyism, and at the same time he was considered in society "a person with an impeccable reputation."
The political career of the liberal prince began in 1904, when, at the height of the Russo-Japanese War, he went to the Manchurian Front at the head of the zemstvo medical and food detachments as the chief representative of the zemstvo councils. Lvov not only organizes food and medical care for the soldiers, but also personally participates in the battles. In protest against the bureaucracy and the war, he publicly refused the medal “For Manchuria” bestowed on him by the tsar. While maintaining independence, Lvov maintained close ties with the leaders of the liberal movement, joined the Union of Liberation and the Cadets, and was engaged in uniting the zemstvos into a single all-Russian organization.
After the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, Prime Minister Witte offered Lvov the post of Minister of Agriculture. The new prime minister, Stolypin, also approached him with a similar proposal. But Lvov put forward the conditions for his cooperation - the convening of the Constituent Assembly, political amnesty, the abolition of the death penalty, the provision of half of the ministerial portfolios to the opposition. This was unacceptable for the authorities.
In the First State Duma in 1905, Lvov was elected from the Tula province as a representative of a bloc of local Cadets and Octobrists. In the Duma, he headed the Food Commission. He spoke out with the condemnation of revolutionary terror. After the dissolution of the First State Duma, Lvov took part in the revolutionary council in Vyborg, but refused to sign an appeal calling for civil disobedience. In 1906, he did not get into the Second State Duma and plunged headlong into Zemstvo work. In Moscow, Lvov is elected as a vowel of the city duma, wins the election of the mayor, but his candidacy was not approved by the Minister of Internal Affairs. Soon, Georgy Evgenievich became the chief representative of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union for Assistance to Sick and Wounded Soldiers and Officers, the leader of the All-Russian Union of Cities, the leader of the Zemstvos and Cities Union - Zemgora.
More recently, information has appeared that Lvov belonged to the Masonic lodge "Great Orient of the Peoples of Russia". In 1907 he joined the Little Bear lodge. Thanks to his "freemasonry" Lvov established ties with the "triumvirate": Kerensky - Tereshchenko - Nekrasov. It was the triumvirate and the support of Guchkov that secured the post of prime minister in the revolutionary government for Lvov. As early as 1916, he was regarded by Freemasons as a key figure in political life, and the empress demanded from her husband "... send Lvov to Siberia."
In the early days of the February Revolution of 1917, Lvov's candidacy was proposed by the Duma Committee for the post of revolutionary prime minister and agreed with the leaders of the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet, and on March 2, 1917, the last tsarist decree was issued appointing Lvov chairman of the Council of Ministers. Georgy Evgenievich became prime minister and at the same time minister of internal affairs in the name of the revolution and the will of the sovereign-emperor.
Such a choice in the days of general chaos was explained by Lvov's ability to compromise, lack of ambition and dictatorial habits. But in a crisis situation, he turned out to be politically powerless, insecure, lacking initiative. The government of Lviv failed to offer effective measures to combat the economic crisis and anarchy. “The prince was evasive and cautious: he reacted to events in soft, vague forms and got off with general phrases”, he surprised with a “tiredly bruised look”, “he was the embodiment of passivity,” contemporaries complained. During absences from Petrograd, Lvov left the Minister of Justice Kerensky as his deputy, whose influence on him was extremely great.
The interim government, chaired by Lvov, approved a number of important acts relating to the civil and political rights of the population: decrees on a general political amnesty and the abolition of the death penalty, the abolition of all class, national, and religious restrictions; it issued the Land Appeal, which recognized the need for urgent preparations for land reform. Lvov came up with a proposal to include the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries in the government.
Already in May 1917, Georgy Evgenievich was ready to resign, to leave the Provisional Government. In early July 1917, the Bolsheviks provoked mass armed uprisings in Petrograd. Lvov fell “... into a state of terrible depression. He was just waiting for my arrival in order to leave the government,” Kerensky recalled. On July 7, 1917, Lvov resigned, referring to disagreement with the declaration of the socialist ministers, who proposed, before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, to declare Russia a republic, dissolve the Duma and the State Council, adopt the Socialist-Revolutionary land bills, and pass the proposals of the socialists on the labor issue and state regulation of industry. Lvov abandoned “serving Russia” at a critical moment when Lenin’s party had already “showed its teeth” by holding armed demonstrations in the capital on July 3–4 under the slogan “Down with the Provisional Government!”
Lvov was convinced that in order to save the situation, it was necessary to disperse the Soviets and use force. But the prince himself did not want, and did not know how to do this. He believed that Kerensky could "pacify Russia". But Kerensky, like Lvov, believed that the revolution should be "bloodless". After retiring, Georgy Evgenievich went on a pilgrimage to Optina Pustyn, and after the October Revolution he let go of his beard and, under a false name, went to Siberia and settled in Tyumen.
On February 28, 1918, Lvov was arrested by the Chekists and taken to Yekaterinburg. He was imprisoned near the place where Nicholas II and his family were kept under house arrest. However, unlike the king, Lvov managed to escape to the location of the White Guard troops. In October 1918, as a representative of the white Siberian government and Admiral Kolchak, Lvov went to the United States, hoping to get help with weapons and money for the "white cause". However, the negotiations were not successful. At the end of 1918, already in Paris, Lvov created the "Russian Political Conference", which united former ambassadors former Provisional Government.
In exile, Georgy Evgenievich headed the "Russian Zemstvo-City Committee" and led a very modest lifestyle. In the summer, he wandered around the French villages, hired himself to work on farms, sewed leather wallets and briefcases. And shortly before his death, he rented a small plot of land with an apple orchard and turned into an ordinary French peasant.
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