Born on February 15 (according to other sources - 23rd), 1944 in the village of Yalkhori (Yalhoroi), Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Chechen, native of the Yalkhoroi teip. He was the thirteenth child in the family. On February 23, 1944, the population of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was subjected to repression and was deported to Kazakhstan and Central Asia. D. Dudayev and his family were able to return to Chechnya only in 1957.

Dudayev graduated from the Tambov Military Aviation School and the Yu.A. Gagarin Air Force Academy in Moscow.

In 1962 he began serving in the Soviet Army. He rose to the rank of Major General in the USSR Air Force (Dudaev was the first Chechen general in the Soviet Army). He took part in military operations in Afghanistan in 1979-1989. In 1987-1990 he was commander of a heavy bomber division in Tartu (Estonia).

In 1968 he joined the CPSU and did not formally leave the party.

In the fall of 1990, being the head of the garrison of the city of Tartu, Dzhokhar Dudayev refused to carry out the order: to block television and the Estonian parliament. However, this act had no consequences for him.

Until 1991, Dudayev visited Chechnya on visits, but in his homeland they remembered him. In 1990, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev convinced Dzhokhar Dudayev of the need to return to Chechnya and lead national movement. In March 1991 (according to other sources - in May 1990) Dudayev retired and returned to Grozny. In June 1991, Dzhokhar Dudayev headed the Executive Committee of the All-National Congress of the Chechen People (OCCHN). (According to the BBC, Boris Yeltsin's adviser Gennady Burbulis subsequently claimed that Dzhokhar Dudayev assured him of loyalty to Moscow during a personal meeting).

At the beginning of September 1991, Dudayev led a rally in Grozny that demanded the dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that on August 19 the leadership of the CPSU in Grozny supported the actions of the USSR Emergency Committee. On September 6, 1991, a group of armed OKCHN supporters led by Dzhokhar Dudayev and Yaragi Mamadayev burst into the building of the Supreme Council of Checheno-Ingushetia and, at gunpoint, forced the deputies to stop their activities.

On October 1, 1991, by decision of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, the Chechen-Ingush Republic was divided into the Chechen and Ingush Republics (without defining borders).

October 10, 1991 The Supreme Council of the RSFSR in the resolution “On political situation in Checheno-Ingushetia” condemned the seizure of power in the republic by the Executive Committee of the OKCHN and the dispersal of the Supreme Council of Checheno-Ingushetia.

On October 27, 1991, Dzhokhar Dudayev was elected president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Even after becoming president of Ichkeria, he continued to appear in public in Soviet military uniform.

On November 1, 1991, with his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI) from Russian Federation, which was not recognized either by the Russian authorities or by any foreign states.

On November 7, 1991, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree introducing a state of emergency in Checheno-Ingushetia. In response to this, Dudayev introduced martial law on its territory. The Supreme Soviet of Russia, where Yeltsin's opponents had the majority of seats, did not approve the presidential decree.

At the end of November 1991, Dzhokhar Dudayev created the National Guard, in mid-December he allowed the free carrying of weapons, and in 1992 he created the Ministry of Defense.

On March 3, 1992, Dudayev said that Chechnya would sit down at the negotiating table with the Russian leadership only if Moscow recognized its independence, thus leading possible negotiations to a dead end.

On March 12, 1992, the Chechen Parliament adopted the Constitution of the republic, declaring the Chechen Republic an independent secular state. The Chechen authorities, encountering almost no organized resistance, seized the weapons of Russian military units stationed on the territory of Chechnya.

In August 1992, at the invitation of the king Saudi Arabia Aravin Fahd bin Abdulaziz and the Emir of Kuwait Jabar el Ahded ak-Sabah Dzhokhar Dudayev visited these countries. He was given a warm welcome, but his request to recognize the independence of Chechnya was refused.

On April 17, 1993, Dudayev dissolved the Cabinet of Ministers of the Chechen Republic, the Parliament, the Constitutional Court of Chechnya and the Grozny City Assembly, and introduced direct presidential rule and a curfew throughout Chechnya.

On June 5, 1993, formations loyal to Dudayev successfully suppressed an armed uprising of the local pro-Russian opposition led by Bislan Gantamirov. A column of tanks and infantry fighting vehicles, partly staffed by Russian contract soldiers, that entered Grozny was destroyed. According to Gantamirov, over 60 of his supporters were killed.

On December 1, 1994, a decree of the President of the Russian Federation “On some measures to strengthen law and order in the North Caucasus” was issued, which ordered all persons illegally possessing weapons to voluntarily surrender them to Russian law enforcement agencies by December 15.

On December 6, 1994, Dzhokhar Dudayev in the Ingush village of Sleptsovskaya met with the Ministers of Defense of the Russian Federation Pavel Grachev and Internal Affairs Viktor Erin.

On December 11, 1994, on the basis of the decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin “On measures to suppress the activities of illegal armed groups on the territory of the Chechen Republic and in the zone of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict,” units of the Russian Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs entered the territory of Chechnya. The first Chechen war began.

According to Russian sources, by the beginning of the first Chechen campaign, Dudayev commanded about 15 thousand soldiers, 42 tanks, 66 infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers, 123 guns, 40 anti-aircraft systems, 260 training aircraft, so the advance of the federal forces was accompanied by serious resistance from Chechen militias and guardsmen Dudaeva.

By the beginning of February 1995, after heavy bloody battles, Russian army established control over the city of Grozny and began advancing into the southern regions of Chechnya. Dudayev had to hide in the southern mountainous regions, constantly changing his location.

According to media reports, Russian special services twice managed to infiltrate their agents into Dzhokhar Dudayev’s entourage and once bombed his car, but all assassination attempts ended in failure.

On the evening of April 21, 1996, Russian special services located the signal from Dudayev’s satellite phone in the area of ​​the village of Gekhi-Chu, 30 km from Grozny. 2 Su-25 attack aircraft with homing missiles were lifted into the air. Dzhokhar Dudayev died from a rocket explosion while talking on the phone with Russian deputy Konstantin Borov. The place where the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is buried is unknown.

Chechnya is famous for its unique mountain landscapes, for which many brave heroes fought. The spirit of freedom flows in the veins of the dignified Chechen people. For a long time, Dzhokhar Dudayev was an example of the unique strong-willed character of this small country. The biography of the ruler, like the fate of Chechnya itself, is quite rich and tragic. The son of his proud nation defended the interests of his small republic until the end of his life. What was he like, General Dzhokhar Dudayev?

The biography of the highest elder of the first Chechen military operations takes us back to the distant year 1944. It became very fateful for the Chechen population. It was then that Stalin gave the order to expel the Chechens from the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic to the Central Asian and Kazakh lands. This action of the central authorities was explained by the fact that the male population of the Chechen state was engaged in robbery and robbery. It was this year that Dzhokhar Musaevich was born, who in the future will lead the process for Chechnya’s secession from the USSR.

The making of a future commander

So, after deportation, the Dudayev family ended up in Kazakhstan (in the Pavlodar region). How did Dudayev Dzhokhar Musaevich spend his youth? The biography of the Chechen celebrity leads to the village of Pervomaiskoye, in the Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush state. It was here that Dzhokhar was born. Some materials indicate the date of birth as February 15, but there is no exact confirmation of this. His father's name was Musa, and his mother's name was Rabiat. They raised 13 children, the youngest was Dzhokhar Dudayev. The family consisted of 7 children born in this marriage, and 6 children of the father from a previous marriage.

The boy's father died when he was only 6 years old. Dzhokhar was a diligent student, which cannot be said about his brothers and sisters. One day, for his leadership qualities, he was elected head of the class. Upon returning to their native places, in 1957, the Dudayev family, without their father, stopped in Grozny.

After graduating from school (in 1960), Dzhokhar became a student at the North Ossetian Pedagogical University. He chose the direction of physics and mathematics. But he studied there for only one year. Where does Dzhokhar Dudayev go next?

His biography continues at the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School, where he studied for 4 years. During these years, Dzhokhar had to carefully hide his Chechen origin, calling himself an Ossetian. Only after receiving his education document, in 1966, did he insist that his true origin be written down in his personal documents.

Army and military career

Dzhokhar Dudayev began his military service in combat units of the Air Force. The photos perfectly demonstrate his military bearing. As soon as he graduated military school, he was sent as an assistant aircraft commander to the Shaikovka airfield in the Kaluga region. After 2 years of service, he joined the ranks of the Communist Party.

Where does the biography of Dzhokhar Dudayev lead next? It is worth briefly mentioning his studies at the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin (1971-1974). Dudayev's service record included many military duties: deputy commander of an air regiment, chief of staff, squad commander. His colleagues remembered him as a highly moral person, sometimes a little temperamental and passionate.

The armed conflict in Afghanistan also affected part of the life of the future general. There he was the commander of a Tu-22MZ bomber and flew combat missions on it, although he later denied this fact. Then for three years he served in the Ternopil Bomber Brigade. After this, he became commander of a military garrison in Estonia (Tartu), where he was awarded the rank of major general of aviation.

What kind of commander was Dzhokhar Dudayev? His biography shows that he was a well-informed commander. After the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan, he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Battle. Dudayev was distinguished by stubbornness, self-control, presence of mind and concern for his subordinates. In the unit entrusted to him, strict regime and discipline always reigned; the life of his subordinates was always well-equipped.

Immersion in political activity

In 1990, Dzhokhar Dudayev began to chair the Executive Committee at the Chechen National Forum, held in Grozny. A year later, he initiated the dissolution of the Supreme Council of the CRI and became the head of a public movement for no confidence in the government. The general initiated the introduction of parallel administrative bodies, declaring the deputies of Chechnya incompetent.

After the August incidents in Moscow in 1991, the political climate in the Chechen Republic worsened. General democratic organizations took power into their own hands. Dudayev's people captured the Grozny City Council, the airport and the city center.

President of the self-proclaimed republic

How did Dzhokhar Dudayev become president? The general's political biography was very eventful. In October 1991, he was elected and announced the republic's separation from the RSFSR. Boris Yeltsin, in response to such actions, decided to declare a particularly dangerous situation in Chechnya. Dudayev, in turn, allowed Chechens to purchase and store firearms.

The fight for independent Chechnya

After the collapse of the USSR, Moscow no longer controlled events in the Chechen Republic. Ammunition from military units was stolen by private individuals. In 1992, there was an unexpected change of power in neighboring Georgia. Together with Georgian leaders, Dudayev took up the formation of an armed organization in Transcaucasia. The purpose of this unification was the formation of republics separated from Russia.

Moscow tried in every possible way to bring Dudayev’s government to the negotiating table, but he demanded recognition of the independence of the republic. In parallel, the same actions took place in neighboring Georgia, which demanded its independence. Unofficially, the rulers of Saudi Arabia demonstrated their disposition towards an independent Chechnya, but they were afraid to directly support Dudayev’s power. As president, Dudayev visits Turkey, Cyprus, Bosnia, and the USA. The purpose of the American meeting was to sign agreements with the founders on oil production in the Chechen Republic.

Loss of trust and support

A year into Dudayev's presidency, the situation in Chechnya begins to worsen, and disagreements appear in the position of the parliament and the head of state. Dzhokhar Dudayev decides to dissolve parliament and impose a curfew. At this moment, opposition forces began to form; an attempt was made on the president’s life, but he managed to escape. All these events led to armed clashes.

Military clashes in Chechnya (1993-95)

The summer of 1993 in Chechnya turned out to be hot, and opposition forces had to retreat to the north of the republic. There the opposition formed its own governing bodies. Dudayev managed to ensure that Chechnya did not take part in the Russian State Duma elections. But contradictions within the reign of Dzhokhar Dudayev increasingly weakened his control. The opposition formed a Provisional Council, headed by Umar Avturkhanov. Dudayev began the active liquidation of oppositionists supported by Russia. After the National Congress, which was held by Dudayev, it was decided to declare a “holy war” on Russia. This is how the first began. The merciless struggle for the independence of Chechnya fills the biography of Dzhokhar Dudayev. Brief mention should be made of his creation of camps for detaining persons who disagree with his position.

In December 1994, with the help of helicopters, the special services managed to eliminate Dudayev’s planes at the Grozny airport. Opposition forces broke into Grozny, but were unable to gain a foothold there; they needed Moscow’s support. The head of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, gave orders to destroy illegal gangs in Chechnya, led by Dzhokhar Dudayev. This order led to tragic events in Budennovsk. This is a city in the Stavropol Territory, which was chosen by a detachment of militants under the command of Shamil Basayev to take hostages and present their demands to the central authorities. As a result of such actions, 100 civilians of Budyonnovsk died. The Russian authorities did not make concessions to Basayev’s detachment.

Liquidation of Dzhokhar Dudayev

From the first days of the Chechen war, the Russian intelligence department kept the Generalissimo of the Chechen Republic at gunpoint. There were 3 attempts on his life, all unsuccessful. The first ended with the sniper's mistake, the second with luck after his car exploded, and the third with the timely escape from the building, which was exposed to air strikes.

In 1996, the parties to the confrontation briefly reconciled; Yeltsin was even going to recognize the independence of Chechnya. But soon the terrorists fired at a detachment of Russian soldiers near the village of Yaryshmardy, and the president ordered his security chief and the head of the FSB to destroy Dzhokhar Dudayev. The operation was developed very carefully and various methods were thought through. The "elusive leader" was especially careful.

To carry out this operation, a special device was developed that can perceive mobile phone waves. This device transmitted the location of the subscriber to the military. The operation was carried out on April 21, 1996. The developed device detected Dudayev’s location, and 2 SU-24 bombers flew there. Several very powerful anti-location missiles were fired from the planes at the car where the Chechen leader was located. This is how Dzhokhar Dudayev died. Death occurred a few minutes after the shelling. His wife Alla was next to Dudayev at the time, but she managed to escape in a ravine. Dzhokhar died in the arms of his wife. The media announced only the next day that Dzhokhar Dudayev had been liquidated (photo in the article).

Reaction to Dudayev's death

The world press reported in great detail about the removal of the President of Chechnya. Dudayev Dzhokhar Musaevich was never able to fulfill his dreams. The biography of a talented leader ended tragically. Many journalists said that this campaign was carried out specifically to re-elect Yeltsin for a second term. Russia has since taken a tough position and offered its terms to the militants. This led to a resumption of hostilities. Chechen militants decided to avenge the death of their leader by attacking Grozny. For some time, the Chechens managed to keep the superiority of the fighting on their side.

At this time, rumors were spreading that the president of Ichkeria was still alive. But they all disappeared after a video recording of Dudayev’s burned corpse was made public in 2002.

Battalion in memory of the Chechen leader

In 2014, with the emergence of confrontation in the eastern part of Ukraine, a volunteer armed detachment was created - the battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev (to carry out an international peacekeeping mission). It was formed in Denmark from Chechens who emigrated from Chechnya after the end of hostilities there. The battalion of Dzhokhar Dudayev was organized by the socio-political association “Free Caucasus” specifically to protect the interests of Ukraine in the clash in Donbass. The battalion assisted the Ukrainian army in the most fierce battles for liberation. The most famous members of this military formation are Isa Manuev, Sergei Melnikoff, Nureddin Ismailov, Adam Osmaev, Amina Okueva.

Family life after the death of Dudayev

The activities of Dzhokhar Dudayev, like his person, are assessed ambiguously even 20 years after his death. More long time Rumors spread that he had managed to survive. Only 5 years ago the intelligence services declassified data on its liquidation. There is a version that among the commander’s entourage there was a traitor who betrayed him for $1 million.

How did the future life of the Dudayev family develop? The most famous is the youngest son - Degi. One of the eldest sons of Ovlur completely changed his first and last name and lived for some time in Lithuania under the name Davydov Oleg Zakharovich. Then he moved to Sweden. The daughter of Dzhokhar Dudayev, Dana, settled with her family in Turkey (Istanbul) and does not communicate with journalists.

After Dudayev’s death, Alla’s wife immediately tried to leave the country and go to Turkey, but was detained on Yeltsin’s orders. She was soon released, and she spent three years with her children in Chechnya, contributing to the work of the Chechen Ministry of Culture. Then the widow spent some time in Baku, then with her daughter in Istanbul, then in Vilnius.

Alla Dudayeva is the author of a book about her husband “Dzhokhar Dudayev. The First Million.” Dudayev's wife is a very talented and gifted person. She graduated from the Pedagogical Institute in Smolensk and studied at the Faculty of Art Graphics. After the death of her husband, Alla regularly holds various exhibitions of her paintings and publications in Turkey, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Lithuania, Estonia, and France. The poems of Alla Dudayeva also deserve special attention; she often reads them at creative evenings. In Georgia (2012), she was offered to host the “Caucasian Portrait” program on television, which she did very well. Thanks to her husband’s fame, Alla Dudayeva’s paintings are exhibited in many cities around the world. In 2009, she was elected a member of the Presidium of the Government of the ChRI. Lately the woman lives in Sweden.

16 years ago, on April 21, 1996, the President of Chechnya, the rebel General Dzhokhar Dudayev, was killed. Dudayev rightly demanded that Gorbachev, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and the State Duma of the Russian Federation evaluate the Belovezhskaya Accords.

He suggested that Yeltsin legitimize power in the Russian Federation. He condemned the system of “democratic” elections, small-town princelings...

Dudayev was the only person in power who offered political asylum to Eric Honecker, the last leader of the GDR (German Democratic Republic). Honecker, more than his Soviet mentors, resisted reform at home.

How many destinies of individuals and entire nations were ruined by the destructive “perestroika” and the collapse of the Soviet Union! /

RS. Dudayev was the only leader of the autonomous territory who offered political asylum to the leader of the GDR Erich Honecker after the unification of Germany due to the snotty attitude of the first president of the USSR M. Gorbachev

How Dudayev was killed

The liquidation of the first Chechen president, carried out by the FSB, can be considered the most successful operation of the Russian special services during the entire war in the North Caucasus. Our security officers never achieved such success again.

We were able to meet and talk with people who were direct participants in those events. For obvious reasons, we cannot name their names.

Who "ordered" the Chechen leader?

The murder of Dudayev was committed four months before the conclusion of the Khasavyurt agreements, shameful for Russia. It was no longer so necessary and brought practically no results. Thus, losing with a scoreless score, the agonizing team launches an unexpected counterattack and scores a beautiful prestige goal into the opponent’s goal, which does not affect the results of the match.

In fact, plans for the physical elimination of the rebel general were hatched from the very beginning of the first Chechen campaign. The order for his murder was given personally by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, President of Russia Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin. And this, of course, was elementary revenge. Revenge for the mediocrity of Russian commanders, for their own fatal mistakes. ...

The action plan for the overthrow of Dudayev was personally developed by Stepashin and, for some reason, by the head of the capital's Federal Giving Committee Savostyanov. (When the latter was asked how the chief Moscow security officer views Chechnya, he replied that he supervises the Caucasian direction as deputy director of the Federal Counterintelligence Service). The results of their “brilliant strategic developments” are known. The coup failed miserably. Dudayev, who had already begun to lose his authority in the republic, demonstrated to the whole world the captured Russian tank crews, recruited and deceived by the FSK, thereby successfully regaining his lost positions. After some time, Stepashin entrusts the right to re-attack the same rake to the Minister of Defense Grachev. He throws out the phrase that Chechnya can be dealt with in two hours with one parachute regiment, and, without hesitation, steps on the tricky garden tools. Within three days, the General Staff draws up a plan for introducing troops into Chechnya. Grachev introduces Yeltsin to him and the president makes a fatal decision.

All this time, Dudayev, anticipating the outbreak of war, tries to contact Boris Nikolaevich by phone, but to no avail. It was impossible to break through the presidential administration, then headed by Sergei Filatov. For some reason, Yeltsin was simply not informed about the general’s calls. After the eighth attempt, Dudayev, quite by accident, managed to contact the head of the SBP, Alexander Korzhakov. He desperately asked for peace and made it clear that he would make the most unacceptable, it would seem, concessions.

On the same day, Korzhakov decided to report to Yeltsin about Dudayev’s request. The conversation, which took place in an informal setting at the presidential club, was attended by the head of the Main Directorate for the Protection of Badgers and First Deputy Prime Minister Soskovets. All three asked the president not to rush into sending troops, and to meet with Dudayev. However, the president was adamant. The man who dealt with the USSR and Gorbachev, who crushed the obstinate parliament, who removed everyone who stood in the way of power, could not understand why He should talk to a general who had fallen on his head out of nowhere, when he could be crushed with a slight movement of his little finger.

Korzhakov’s story is confirmed by Arkady Volsky’s interview with the Segodnya newspaper: “On December 13, 1994, negotiations took place in Ingushetia between the delegations of Russia and Chechnya. According to Dudayev, they were already close to resolving the issue. They were talking about the Tatar option. Suddenly, a team from Moscow : stop negotiations, Boris Nikolaevich is waiting for Dudayev in Sochi. “You, Arkady Ivanovich, may not believe it,” Dudayev told me, “but it was a holiday for me. I sewed it in three days new uniform. If this meeting had taken place, believe me, nothing would have happened. But I’m sewing a uniform - and suddenly the troops are brought in. It’s also not possible! Understand: I’m not on my own. Whether you like it or not, I am the president."

Before the start of the deployment of troops, Yeltsin, under pressure from security forces eager for battle and competing with each other, convened the Security Council. On it, Grachev, standing with a pointer at the map, like an excellent student on an exam, told the audience about the “blitzkrieg” plan. Members of the Security Council vote unanimously to restore order in Chechnya with the help of the army. Among them was Minister of Justice Yuri Kalmykov. He sat in front of the map and meticulously copied it into his notebook. On the same day, Kalmykov flew to the North Caucasus and briefed the Chechen leadership in detail on the Kremlin’s plans. The generals called this act a betrayal.

Thus, the effect of surprise was not achieved. But the military leaders were so confident in their abilities that they postponed the operation for only a week and did not even make changes to the plan.

On December 11, troops entered the territory of Chechnya. The army's troubles began in Ingushetia, where the people, as if on cue, stood in the way of the tanks and the first blood was shed. Kalmykov’s efforts were not in vain.

On December 14, Dudayev received an ultimatum from Yeltsin demanding that he lay down his arms. But it was not there. The Chechens responded to the Kremlin's threat with numerous attacks on our columns. The troops are bogged down. What Grachev wanted to accomplish in two hours with one regiment, the entire armed forces could not do in 6 years.

They approached Grozny only on New Year's Eve.

Birthday is a holiday of childhood

On January 1, on his birthday, Grachev sends his army to storm the Chechen capital, which turns into the bloodiest battle in the entire history of both Chechen wars. The minister remains confident in his abilities and is still ready to throw hats at any opponent. Therefore, nothing prevents him from celebrating his birthday in exotic field conditions, to the sound of artillery cannonade, in between operational meetings. Oleg Soskovets flew in to congratulate Grachev, who, upon entering the headquarters, immediately fell into the arms of Sergei Stepashin, warmed up by the strong “front-line” ones. They say that the head of Russian counterintelligence rewarded the guest with such a hot kiss that he developed a bloody hematoma on his lip. Soskovets had to hide from television cameras for two weeks.

Fierce battles for Grozny lasted a whole month. Funerals for young soldiers who had not been fired upon went to Russia in the thousands. Dudayev and his army left the city on February 8, and final control over the republic’s capital, which had been razed to the ground, was established only in early March.

Proceed with liquidation

After Grozny, the shame of the Russian leadership continued. On June 14, 1995, Basayev carried out a raid on Budenovsk, after which Stepashin, the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Erin and the presidential representative in Chechnya Yegorov left their posts, and the Kremlin had to conclude a temporary truce with the militants and begin negotiations. The Russian side, with the consent of the president, openly offered General Dudayev to cross to one of the Muslim countries, which in the situation at that time looked very stupid. In October, after the assassination attempt on the commander of the Russian group, General Romanov, the peaceful dialogue was disrupted.

Yeltsin suffered from a terrible depression. According to Korzhakov, he cried and drank for two days, saying that the generals had deceived him, that the war with Chechnya was his worst mistake in life.

The experiences affected Boris Nikolaevich’s health. On October 26, he went to the hospital, and began “working with documents” and restored his “strong handshake” only by the end of December.

Immediately after the onset of 1996, a new tragedy occurred. Raduev attacks the Dagestan city of Kizlyar, then freely moves to Pervomayskoye and just as freely leaves the village blocked by “38 snipers” back to Chechnya. The president, disgraced throughout the world, furiously gives the order to eliminate Dudayev. The flywheel was launched.

"The conversation was interrupted"

We asked our interlocutors: who is to blame for the death of Dzhokhar Dudayev? They answered smiling: “Borovoi.” Konstantin Natanovich really became the unwitting culprit in the death of the Chechen president. Dudayev regularly contacted Borov via his satellite phone. After each communication session, they agreed when the next conversation would take place. As a result, Borovoy became the last person Dudayev spoke to.

Here is an excerpt from Borovoy’s interview with the Segodnya newspaper: “I actually talked to him on the phone on April 21. It was about eight in the evening. The conversation was interrupted. However, our conversations were interrupted very often... He sometimes called me several times a day. I’m not one hundred percent sure that the missile attack occurred during our last conversation with him, but he never contacted me again.”

Wolf's Lair

The work was carried out in several directions at once, but it was extremely difficult to get close to the very cautious general, whose inner circle consisted exclusively of relatives. Two agents were identified and killed during the first attempt to infiltrate Dudayev’s retinue. The third managed to get a job as an assistant to the personal chef of the President of Chechnya, but he, too, was eventually exposed. Meanwhile, Mikhail Barsukov, who was appointed instead of Stepashin as the country's chief counterintelligence officer, regularly called the FSB Task Force in Chechnya and shouted: “When will you bring Dudayev’s head? I’m f... the president every day. He removes me - I will remove you!”

Water wears away stones. In the end, several recruited Chechens managed to get close to the separatist leader. The opinion about Chechens as the most desperate patriots, entirely tied by family ties, is fundamentally wrong. Most of them will do anything for money. The only question is the amount.

Initially, at the lower level of intelligence, the task was set to kidnap Dudayev. To do this, the agents had to provide a corridor for special forces. The option turned out to be impossible. Then they set the task of blowing up the Chechen leader by planting a bomb either in his car or on the road along which he would drive.

During the same period, connected to the operation, the scientific and technical department of the Federal Grid Company approached Barsukov with a very tempting offer. According to intelligence data, Dudayev often used the Inmarsat satellite phone, allegedly donated by the Americans. Scientists proposed making a device that would intercept the beam coming from the phone to the satellite, record the exact coordinates of the subscriber and transmit them to bomber aircraft.

The approximate cost of developing and manufacturing this equipment was 1 million 200 thousand dollars. Yeltsin, without hesitation, ordered the allocation of the required amount. Let us remember that teachers and doctors did not receive salaries for months at this time, and miners banged their helmets in front of the White House.

The scientific team included 30 people. To the utmost short time the equipment was made. Scientists gave the president a gift. We made it to 600 thousand dollars and were proud of it for a long time.

The device was tested at one of the military training grounds. The result exceeded all expectations. The missile hit a target the size of a stool. Two weeks later, Dudayev went to Allah.

The operation was so secret that even the FSB agents who were surrounded by Dudayev did not know about it. On the evening of April 21, 1996, the crew of the Russian A-50 long-range radar detection aircraft (analogous to the American Avax), with a special device installed on board to intercept a signal from a satellite phone, received an order to take off. Having gained a height of 22 thousand meters, he began to circle over Chechnya. At the same time, Dudayev’s motorcade left for the area of ​​the village of Roshni-Chu. (?) Half an hour later, a pair of Su-24 front-line bombers soared into the sky, which, having used up all the fuel, but never received the coordinates of the intended strike, returned to the airfield to refuel, and immediately took off again.

Having stopped his Niva in a field, Dudayev unfolded the Inmarsat phone on the hood of the car, caught a signal from the satellite and dialed Borovoy’s number. His entire retinue was at a fairly respectful distance from the boss, so as not to hear who the president was talking to and what he was talking about. Dudayev himself also moved a few meters away from the device with the tube. The fact is that he was afraid of getting under the radiation emanating from the phone. In a matter of seconds, the device on the A-50 caught the beam and transmitted target designation to the Sushki. A moment later, two missiles rushed towards the target. The first one simply stuck into the ground and did not explode. The second one definitely hit the Niva. According to the stories of the agents, who, we repeat, knew nothing about the operation and miraculously survived, half of Dudayev’s skull was blown off. The representative of the ChRI in Moscow, Hamad Kurbanov, and two other people, one of whom worked for FSK, died with him.

The head of FSK Barsukov was informed that Dudayev was dead, and that only a piece of clothing remained from him. The distortions in the report can be explained by the fact that the subordinates wanted to impress their superiors with the result of the operation.

"I'm a hero!"

On April 22, Yeltsin was on a visit to Khabarovsk. After the official part, the Kremlin delegation went to one of the local restaurants for lunch. In the midst of the feast, the officer in charge of government communications approached the president and said that the director of the Federal Grid Company was on the line with an urgent message. Boris Nikolaevich retired to a separate room. Those gathered heard individual phrases coming from there: “Is this iron?.. Is it true?.. Well, thank you. I’m a hero!” The president returned to the table completely transformed, and even danced. He immediately took the floor and made a toast that began with the words: “Today is our holiday!..” In the morning, all agencies broadcast news number one: Dudayev was killed.

The election campaign was approaching. The hostilities have calmed down slightly. Yeltsin flew to Chechnya and told the soldiers that the war was over. However, the elections passed, and the leaderless and, as Moscow believed, demoralized army of militants captured Grozny in one day, which our troops stormed for two months.

Then there was Khasavyurt and three years of anarchy in Chechnya.

Yeltsin, who promised to reward them, forgot quite quickly about the participants in the operation to eliminate Dudayev. But, thanks to the generals from the president’s inner circle, closer to the summer of 1996 they were remembered. A $100,000 bonus was allocated for 30 people, which was awarded without fanfare. But Barsukov never received a hero.

Biography (excerpts)

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the Pervomaiskoye spruce (Chechen Yalkhori) Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now Achkhoy-Martan district of the Chechen Republic), the seventh child in the family (he had 9 brothers and sisters). He comes from the Yalkhoroi taipa. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR, among many thousands of Chechens and Ingush during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in 1944 (see Deportation of Chechens and Ingush).

In 1957, he and his family returned to their homeland and lived in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician at SMU-5, while at the same time studying in the 10th grade at evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute, then, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Pilot School, specializing in “pilot engineer” (1962-1966).

In the Soviet Army

IN Armed Forces USSR since 1962, served in both command and administrative positions.

Since 1966, he served in the 52nd instructor heavy bomber regiment (Shaikovka airfield, Kaluga region), starting as an assistant commander of an airship.

In 1971-1974 he studied at the command department of the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin.

Since 1970, he served in the 1225th heavy bomber air regiment (Belaya garrison in the Usolsky district of the Irkutsk region (Sredniy settlement), Transbaikal Military District), where in subsequent years he successively held the positions of deputy commander of the air regiment (1976-1978), chief of staff (1978 -1979), detachment commander (1979-1980), commander of this regiment (1980-1982).

In 1982 he became the chief of staff of the 31st heavy bomber division of the 30th air army, and in 1985-1987 he was the chief of staff of the 13th guards heavy bomber air division (Poltava): he “was remembered by many Poltava residents with whom fate brought him together. According to his former colleagues, he was a hot-tempered, emotional and at the same time extremely honest and decent person. At that time he still remained a convinced communist, and was responsible for political work with personnel."

In 1986-1987, he took part in the war in Afghanistan: according to representatives of the Russian command, at first he was developing an action plan strategic aviation in the country, then on board a Tu-22MZ bomber as part of the 132nd heavy bomber regiment of Long-Range Aviation, he personally flew combat missions to the western regions of Afghanistan, introducing the so-called technique. carpet bombing of enemy positions. Dudayev himself always denied the fact of his active participation in military operations against Islamists in Afghanistan.

In 1987-1991, he was the commander of the strategic 326th Ternopil Heavy Bomber Division of the 46th Strategic Air Army (Tartu, Estonian SSR), and at the same time served as head of the military garrison.

In the Air Force he rose to the rank of major general of aviation (1989).

“Dudaev was a well-trained officer. He graduated from the Gagarin Academy, commanded a regiment and division with dignity. He firmly controlled the aviation group during the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Battle. He was distinguished by restraint, calmness and concern for people. his division was equipped with a new training base, canteens and airfield facilities were equipped, and a firm statutory order was established in the Tartu garrison. Dzhokhar was deservedly awarded the rank of major general of aviation,” recalled the Hero of Russia, the army general. Pyotr Deinekin.

HONECKER, ERICH (Honecker, Erich) (1912-1994), Chairman of the State Council of the GDR. Born on August 25, 1912 in the Saar region in the family of a miner. In 1926 he joined the Communist Youth League, in 1929 the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). In 1933, after Hitler came to power, Honecker organized a resistance group in Berlin. In 1935 he was arrested on charges of treason and sentenced to 10 years in prison. After his release at the end of World War II, he was secretary of youth affairs in the central committee of the KPD, and in 1946 - chairman of the League of Free German Youth.

Honecker played an important role in uniting the KPD and Social Democrats in the Soviet zone of occupation, which led to the creation of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in 1946. He was elected to the central committee of the new party. In 1958 he became a member of the SED Politburo, and in May 1971 he replaced W. Ulbricht as first secretary of the party. In October 1976 he became chairman state council, head of the German Democratic Republic (GDR).

Honecker, more than his Soviet mentors, resisted reform at home. On October 18, 1989 he was forced to resign. In December of the same year, he was accused of abuse of power, corruption and personal enrichment, but a sharp deterioration in Honecker's health prevented him from being brought to trial. At the end of 1990, after the reunification of Germany, the charges were expanded - Honecker was held responsible for the execution of defectors at the Berlin Wall. In March 1991, Honecker left for Moscow, where he remained until July 1992. The trial was canceled due to the deteriorating health of the accused. In January 1993, Honecker received permission to travel to Chile. Honecker died in Santiago (Chile) on May 29, 1994.

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Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaiskoye (Chechen Yalkhori) of the Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now the Achkhoy-Martan region of the Chechen Republic), the seventh child in the family (he had 9 brothers and sisters). He comes from the Yalkhoroi taipa. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR, among many thousands of Chechens and Ingush during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in 1944 (see Deportation of Chechens and Ingush).

In 1957, he and his family returned to their homeland and lived in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician at SMU-5, while at the same time studying in the 10th grade at evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute, then, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Pilot School with a specialty in “pilot engineer” (1962-1966).

In the Armed Forces of the USSR since 1962, he served in both command and administrative positions.

Since 1966, he served in the 52nd instructor heavy bomber regiment (Shaikovka airfield, Kaluga region), starting as an assistant commander of an airship.

In 1971-1974 he studied at the command department of the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin.

Since 1970, he served in the 1225th heavy bomber air regiment (Belaya garrison in the Usolsky district of the Irkutsk region (Sredniy settlement), Transbaikal Military District), where in subsequent years he successively held the positions of deputy commander of the air regiment (1976-1978), chief of staff (1978 -1979), detachment commander (1979-1980), commander of this regiment (1980-1982).

In 1982 he became the chief of staff of the 31st heavy bomber division of the 30th air army, and in 1985-1987 the chief of staff of the 13th guards heavy bomber air division (Poltava): he “was remembered by many Poltava residents with whom fate brought him together. According to his former colleagues, he was a hot-tempered, emotional and at the same time extremely honest and decent person. At that time he still remained a convinced communist and was responsible for political work with personnel.”

In 1986-1987, he took part in the war in Afghanistan: according to representatives of the Russian command, he was first involved in developing a plan of action for strategic aviation in the country, then on board a Tu-22MZ bomber as part of the 132nd heavy bomber regiment of Long-Range Aviation, he personally flew combat missions in western regions of Afghanistan, introducing the so-called technique. carpet bombing of enemy positions. Dudayev himself always denied the fact of his active participation in military operations against Islamists in Afghanistan.

In 1987-1991, he was the commander of the strategic 326th Ternopil Heavy Bomber Division of the 46th Strategic Air Army (Tartu, Estonian SSR), and at the same time served as head of the military garrison.

In the Air Force he rose to the rank of major general of aviation (1989).

“Dudayev was a well-trained officer. He graduated from the Gagarin Academy and commanded a regiment and division with dignity. He firmly controlled the aviation group during the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Battle. He was distinguished by restraint, calmness and concern for people. In his division, a new training base was equipped, canteens and airfield life were equipped, and strict statutory order was established in the Tartu garrison. Dzhokhar was deservedly awarded the rank of major general of aviation,” recalled the Hero of Russia, army general. Pyotr Deinekin.

Beginning of political activity

On November 23–25, 1990, the Chechen National Congress was held in Grozny, which elected an Executive Committee headed by Chairman Dzhokhar Dudayev.

In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. In May, the retired general accepted an offer to return to Chechnya and lead the growing social movement. On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN (National Congress of the Chechen People), into which the former executive committee of the CHNS was transformed. From that moment on, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKChN, began the formation of parallel authorities in the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, declaring that the deputies of the Supreme Council of the Chechen Republic “did not live up to the trust” and declaring them “usurpers.”

The attempted coup in the USSR on August 19-21, 1991 became a catalyst for the political situation in the republic. The Chechen-Ingush Republican Committee of the CPSU, the Supreme Council and the government supported the State Emergency Committee, but the OKCHN opposed the State Emergency Committee. On August 19, at the initiative of the Vainakh Democratic Party, a rally in support of the Russian leadership began on the central square of Grozny, but after August 21 it began to be held under the slogans of the resignation of the Supreme Council along with its chairman. On September 4, the Grozny television center and the Radio House were seized. Dzhokhar Dudayev read out an appeal in which he called the leadership of the republic “criminals, bribe-takers, embezzlers” and announced that from “September 5 until the holding of democratic elections, power in the republic passes into the hands of the executive committee and other general democratic organizations.” On September 6, the Supreme Council of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was dispersed by armed supporters of the OKCHN. Dudayevites beat up the deputies and threw the chairman of the Grozny City Council, Vitaly Kutsenko, out of the window. As a result, the chairman of the city council was killed and more than 40 deputies were injured. Two days later, the Dudayevites captured the Severny Airport and CHPP-1, and blocked the center of Grozny.

On October 1, 1991, by decision of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, the Chechen-Ingush Republic was divided into the Chechen and Ingush Republics (without defining borders).

President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in Chechnya, won by Dzhokhar Dudayev, who received 90.1% of the votes. With his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI) from the RSFSR, which was not recognized by either the Russian authorities or any foreign states except the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. On November 2, the Congress of People's Deputies declared the elections invalid, and on November 7, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree introducing a state of emergency in Chechnya and Ingushetia, but it was never implemented. In response to this, Dudayev introduced martial law in the territory under his control. An armed seizure of the buildings of law enforcement ministries and departments was carried out, military units were disarmaed, military camps of the Ministry of Defense were blocked, and rail and air transportation was stopped. OKCHN called on Chechens living in Moscow to “turn the capital of Russia into a disaster zone.”

On November 11, the Supreme Council of Russia, where Yeltsin’s opponents had the majority of seats, did not approve the presidential decree, in fact supporting the self-proclaimed republic.

In November-December, the parliament of the ChRI decided to abolish in the republic existing bodies authorities and on the recall of people's deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR from the ChRI. Dudayev's decree introduced the right of citizens to purchase and store firearms.

In December-February, the seizure of abandoned weapons continued. At the beginning of February, the 556th regiment of internal troops was defeated, and attacks were carried out on military units. More than 4 thousand small arms, approximately 3 million ammunition, etc. were stolen.

In January 1992, Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia was overthrown as a result of an armed coup. Dudayev sent a plane and a special group led by his personal bodyguard Abu Arsanukaev to pick up the Gamsakhurdia family in Yerevan. Dudayev placed the Gamsakhurdia family in his residence in Grozny. In February, Dudayev and Gamsakhurdia unveiled a project to create the “Union of Military Forces of Transcaucasia” - uniting all Transcaucasian and North Caucasian states into a league of republics independent from Russia.

On March 3, Dudayev said that Chechnya would sit down at the negotiating table with the Russian leadership only if Moscow recognized its independence. Nine days later, on March 12, the CRI parliament adopted the constitution of the republic, declaring it an independent secular state. On March 13, Gamsakhurdia signed a decree recognizing the state independence of Chechnya, and on March 29, Dudayev signed a decree recognizing Georgia as independent state. The Chechen authorities, encountering almost no organized resistance, seized the weapons of Russian military units stationed on the territory of Chechnya. By May the Dudayevites captured 80% military equipment and 75% of small arms of the total quantity available to the military in Chechnya. At the same time, after the coup in Azerbaijan, when the Popular Front of Azerbaijan, led by its leader Abulfaz Elchibey, came to power in the country, Dudayev established contact with the new leadership of this South Caucasian republic. In an exclusive interview in 2005, former Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze said the following:

On July 25, Dudayev spoke at an extraordinary congress of the Karachai people and condemned Russia for trying to prevent the mountain people from gaining independence, promising the Karachais to provide any assistance “in the fight for the long-awaited freedom and national dignity.” In August, King Fahd of Saudi Arabia and Emir of Kuwait Jaber al-Sabah invited Dudayev to visit their countries as President of the Chechen Republic. During lengthy audiences with the king and emir, Dudayev raised the issue of establishing diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level, but the Arab monarchs stated that they would be ready to recognize the independence of Chechnya only after appropriate consultations with Russia and the United States. As a result of the visit, no documents were signed: according to the representative of the Chechen Foreign Ministry Artur Umansky, the Arab leaders wanted to avoid reproaches from Moscow. Nevertheless, at the unofficial level, the monarchs demonstrated their affection to Dudayev in every possible way. King Fahd visited with him the holy city of Medina for Muslims and the main shrine of Islam, the al-Kaaba temple in Mecca, thereby performing the lesser hajj. The Emir of Kuwait hosted a gala dinner in honor of Dudayev in the presence of ambassadors from 70 countries. In Saudi Arabia, the Chechen leader also held talks with the President of Albania, Sali Berisha, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Haris Silajdzic, who were there.

After this, Dudayev makes visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. At the end of September, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited Bosnia, where at that time there was a civil war. However, at the Sarajevo airport, Dudayev and his plane were arrested by French peacekeepers. Dudayev was released only after a telephone conversation between the Kremlin and UN headquarters.

After this, Dzhokhar Dudayev headed to the United States, accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Mairbek Mugadayev and the mayor of Grozny Beslan Gantemirov. According to official sources, the purpose of the visit was to establish contacts with American entrepreneurs for the joint development of Chechen oil fields. The visit ended on October 17, 1992.

By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation in Chechnya had worsened, and Dudayev had lost his previous support.

On February 19, by his decision, Dudayev approved the constitution of the Chechen Republic, according to which a presidential republic was introduced. A survey was organized on the approval of the Constitution, in which, as Dudayev’s supporters claimed, 117 thousand people took part, of which 112 thousand approved the project.

On April 15, an open-ended opposition rally began on Teatralnaya Square in Grozny. Parliament accepted the call to citizens to restore legitimate power in the republic and appointed

Photo: And it happened! On the eve of the war, Ataman Nikolai Kozitsyn signed a “Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation” with Dudayev. City of Grozny, August 24, 1994

TWENTY YEARS AGO DZHOKHAR DUDAYEV WAS LIQUIDATED

Twenty years ago, in the spring of 1996, the rich history of Chechnya underwent another sharp turn: the first president of Ichkeria, General Dzhokhar Dudayev, gave his last order on April 21 - “to live long.”

“THE OWNER FELL ASLEEP”

From the very beginning of the war, our special services were hunting for Dudayev. Three attempts ended in failure, the fourth gave a positive result.

The first time, they say, the sniper missed, and the bullet only slightly grazed Dudayev’s hat. The second time, an exploding mine planted on the route of his car only overturned the car. And the third time Dudayev was saved by a miracle - he and his guards left the house five minutes before an aircraft missile blew it to pieces.

On April 4, 1996, Dudayev established his headquarters in Gekhi-Chu, a village in the Urus-Martan region, located southwest of Grozny. The Dudayevs - Dzhokhar, Alla and their youngest son Degi, who was twelve years old at that time - settled in the house of the younger brother of the Prosecutor General of Ichkeria, Magomet Zhaniev.

During the day, the head of Ichkeria was usually at home, and at night he was on the road. “Dzhokhar, as before at night, traveled around our Southwestern Front, appearing here and there, constantly being close to those who held positions,” recalled Alla Dudayeva.

In addition, her husband regularly traveled to the nearby forest for communication sessions with the outside world, carried out through the installation of Immarsat-M satellite communications. The Ichkerian president avoided calling directly from home, fearing that Russian special services might detect his location using an intercepted signal.

From one of these communication sessions, which took place a few days before Dudayev’s death, the general and his retinue returned earlier than usual. “Everyone was very excited,” Alla recalled. “Dzhokhar, on the contrary, was unusually silent and thoughtful. Musick (bodyguard Musa Idigov - Author) took me aside and, lowering his voice, whispered excitedly: “One hundred percent they are hitting our phone.”

...On April 21, 1996, Russian special services located the signal from Dudayev’s satellite phone in the Gekhi-Chu area. Two Su-25 attack aircraft with homing missiles were lifted into the air. Presumably, Dudayev was killed by a missile strike right during a telephone conversation with State Duma deputy Konstantin Borov, who was his informal political adviser.

Alla Dudayeva, in an interview with the Kommersant newspaper, said that she was next to Dzhokhar at the time of his death: “... Dzhokhar began to talk to Borov. He told me: “Go to the ravine.” And here I am standing with Vakha Ibragimov on the edge of the ravine, early spring, the birds are singing. And one bird is crying - as if moaning from a ravine. I didn’t know then that it was a cuckoo. And suddenly - a rocket hit behind me. I stood about twelve meters from Dzhokhar and was thrown into a ravine. Out of my peripheral vision I saw a yellow flame. I started to get out. I look - there is no UAZ. And then the second blow. One of the guards fell on top of me; he wanted to lock me up. When it calmed down, he stood up, and I heard Viskhan, Dzhokhar’s nephew, crying.

I scrambled out, I don’t understand where everything disappeared: neither the UAZ, nor Vakha Ibragimov, I was walking as if in a dream and then I tripped over Dzhokhar. He was already dying. I didn't hear him last words, but he managed to tell our guard, Musa Idigov: “Bring the matter to the end.” We picked him up and carried him to the second UAZ, because what was left from the first one was a pile of metal.

Hamad Kurbanov and Magomed Zhaniev were killed, Vakha was wounded. Dzhokhar was put in the back seat of the UAZ, Viskhan sat next to the driver, and I huddled in the back by the window. They were supposed to come for Vakha later. They still thought that Dzhokhar could be saved. Although I already understood then that it was impossible, I felt such a hole in his head, on the right.”

Some details of this operation are contained in the publication of Viktor Barants “Chechen informant handed over Dudayev for a million dollars” (April 2011). A Komsomolskaya Pravda correspondent spoke with former GRU officers, reserve colonels Vladimir Yakovlev and Yuri Aksyonov, who in April 1996 participated in the action to eliminate the leader of the Chechen separatists.

“Through our Chechen agents, we obtained information that Dudayev intended to make contact in such and such a square... And we already knew the approximate time. Therefore, full combat readiness was declared... That day, all of us - both the ground crew and the pilots - were luckier than ever. Dudayev was still approaching Gekhi-Chu, and the plane in Mozdok was already taxiing for takeoff... We later learned that Dudayev was there with his wife, assistants, and security guards. They arrived at the wasteland. We deployed the satellite phone. That time Dudayev actually spoke longer than usual. We heard the distant rumble of an airplane, then a deafening explosion. A few hours later, we received confirmation “from the other side” that Dudayev’s corpse was being prepared for funeral... A coded message was transmitted to the headquarters - something like “The owner is fast asleep”... That’s it.”

The burial place of Dudayev is still unknown... It is located in the south of Chechnya in one of the rural cemeteries. According to Akhmed Zakayev, who lives in London, the remains were reburied on the eve of or with the beginning of the second military campaign in the North Caucasus.

Dzhokhar Dudayev was allegedly born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaisky, Galanchozhsky District, Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now Achkhoy-Martan District of the Chechen Republic). He was the youngest, thirteenth child of the veterinarian Musa and Rabiat Dudayev. He had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (his father's children from a previous marriage).

The exact date of birth is unknown: during the deportation, all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, the parents could not remember all the dates. Alla Dudayeva in her book “The First Million: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that Dzhokhar’s year of birth could have been 1943, not 1944.

Dzhokhar came from the Yalkhoroy teip. His mother Rabiat belonged to the Nashkhoi teip, originally from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, in February 1944, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass eviction of Chechens and Ingush.

When Dzhokhar was six years old, his father died. While his brothers and sisters studied poorly and often skipped school, Dzhokhar was a good student and was even elected class leader.

After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transported to Chimkent. There Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny.

In 1959, Dudayev graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician at SMU-5. At the same time, he studied in the tenth grade of evening school No. 55, from which he graduated a year later.

In 1960, Dzhokhar entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute. However, after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School of Pilots named after Marina Raskova (1962-1966).

After graduating from college in 1966, Dudayev was sent to the 52nd Guards Instructor Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment, which was based at the Shaikovka airfield in the Kaluga region. The first position is assistant to the aircraft commander.

In 1968, Dudayev became a communist. In 1971 he entered and in 1974 graduated from the command department of the Yuri Gagarin Air Force Academy.

Since 1970, he served in Transbaikalia, in the 1225th heavy bomber air regiment, based at the Belaya garrison in the Usolsky district of the Irkutsk region. There, in subsequent years, he successively held the positions of deputy regiment commander, chief of staff, detachment commander and unit commander.

In 1982, Dudayev was appointed chief of staff of the 31st heavy bomber division, and in 1985 he was transferred to Poltava, chief of staff of the 13th Guards heavy bomber aviation division.

According to former colleagues, Dzhokhar Musaevich was a hot-tempered, emotional and at the same time extremely honest and decent person. He was responsible, among other things, for political work with personnel.

In 1988, Dudayev took part in the war in Afghanistan. He made combat missions to the western regions on board a Tu-22MZ bomber, introducing the technique of so-called carpet bombing of enemy positions. However, Dudayev himself always denied the fact of his active participation in military operations against Islamists in Afghanistan.

Former Defense Minister Pavel Grachev, speaking about his Afghan meetings with Dudayev, recalled that they communicated twice, at the Air Force base in Bagram and in Kabul: “We coordinated the interaction of long-range aviation and paratroopers. Dzhokhar Dudayev was the initiator and developer of the use of so-called carpet bombing in Afghanistan. A good officer. Soviet-trained, graduated from our school, literate...”

Since 1989, Dudayev was the commander of the strategic 326th Tarnopol heavy bomber division of the 46th strategic air army. Base location: Tartu, Estonian SSR. At the same time, he served as head of the military garrison. He was awarded the rank of Major General of Aviation in 1989.

“Dudayev was a well-trained officer,” recalled Hero of Russia Army General Pyotr Deinekin. “He graduated from the Gagarin Academy and commanded a regiment and division with dignity. He firmly controlled the aviation group during the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Battle. He was distinguished by restraint, calmness and concern for people. In his division, a new training base was equipped, canteens and airfield life were equipped, and strict statutory order was established in the Tartu garrison. Dzhokhar was deservedly awarded the rank of Major General of Aviation.”

CHANGE OF MILESTONES. POWER SEIZURE

Soviet Union, destroyed from within, survived " last days", and Dudayev decided which path he should take next. On November 23-25, 1990, the Chechen National Congress was held in Grozny. His “Varangian” Dzhokhar Dudayev was invited to become the head of the Executive Committee.

After the January events in Vilnius, where KGB troops and special forces were sent on the orders or with the knowledge of Gorbachev, Dudayev spoke on Estonian radio, saying that if Soviet troops were sent to Estonia, he would not allow them through airspace.

According to the memoirs of Galina Starovoitova, in January 1991, during Boris Yeltsin’s visit to Tallinn, Dudayev provided Yeltsin with his car, in which he returned to Leningrad.

In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In May, having been transferred to the reserve, he accepts an offer to return home and lead the growing social movement.

On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the National Congress of the Chechen People. From this moment on, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN, forms parallel authorities. According to him, the deputies “did not live up to the trust”; they are “usurpers.”

The events of August 19-21, 1991 in Moscow became a catalyst for the aggravation of the political situation in the republic. The Chechen-Ingush Republican Committee of the CPSU, the Supreme Council and the government supported the State Emergency Committee, but the OKCHN opposed the State Emergency Committee.

On August 19, at the initiative of Yandarbiev’s Vainakh Democratic Party, a rally in support of the Russian leadership began in the central square of Grozny. However, after August 21 (the failure of the State Emergency Committee in Moscow), it began to take place under the slogans of the resignation of the Supreme Council along with its chairman.

On September 4, the Grozny television center and the Radio House were seized. Dudayev read out an appeal in which he called the leadership of the republic “criminals, bribe-takers, embezzlers.” And he announced that from “September 5 until the holding of democratic elections, power in the republic passes into the hands of the executive committee and other general democratic organizations.”

On September 6, the Supreme Council of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was dispersed by armed supporters of the OKCHN. The Dudaevites beat up the deputies and threw the chairman of the Grozny City Council, first secretary of the CPSU city committee, Vitaly Kutsenko, out of a third-floor window. The head of the city was killed, and more than forty deputies were injured. Two days later, Dudayev’s troops captured the Severny airport and CHPP-1, and blocked the center of Grozny.

Musa Muradov, former Chief Editor newspaper “Grozny Rabochiy,” recalled: “At the end of October 1991, the Prosecutor General of independent Ichkeria, Elza Sheripova, came to the editorial office of the newspaper “Grozny Rabochiy” and put the text of the basic law on my table: “Publish!” The typewritten text is replete with typos. In some paragraphs, instead of “Chechnya,” “Sudan” and the names of the Baltic republics appear: the document was hastily compiled from the constitutions of these countries. “This is nothing,” says the attorney general, correcting the mistakes. “We need to secure sovereignty as soon as possible.” The people are tired, they can’t wait.”

On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in Checheno-Ingushetia, which were won by Dudayev, who received 90.1% of the votes. With his first decree, he proclaimed the independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI), which, however, was not recognized by either the Russian authorities or any foreign states.

MEETING WITH DUDAYEV

Photojournalist Dmitry Borko and I happened to be the first Moscow journalists to talk with Dzhokhar Dudayev immediately after the rebels’ victory. It happened like this. Our editor-in-chief Gennady Ni-Li called me and said casually: “In Grozny, Dudayev has seized power, there are riots in the city... Fly to Grozny and interview him.”

In fact, Gennady Pavlovich threw me out of the boat into the river - he would swim out, he wouldn’t swim out... For which I am grateful to him! It was possible to refuse. But I took the veil and rushed into The White house, where he was a parliamentary correspondent, in order to buy a ticket for the Moscow-Grozny plane at the deputy ticket office.

Despite my share of adventurism, I was perfectly aware of possible consequences of this enterprise. Therefore, I stocked up on “credentials” - two official applications addressed to Dudayev, on letterhead. They were signed by the executive secretary of the Constitutional Commission of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation, co-chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Russia (SDPR) Oleg Rumyantsev and the head of the parliamentary committee Nikolai Travkin - Hero of Socialist Labor, chairman of the Democratic Party of Russia (DPR).

Actually, these solid papers helped me find my way to Dudayev, because upon arrival in Grozny, on the square in front of the former Chechen-Ingush Republican Committee of the CPSU, I was detained as a “KGB agent.” And the next day Dudayev received me, and we spent two hours in a meaningful conversation.

Remembering that meeting, I want to note the main thing: at that time, Dudayev was still a Soviet and military man. This was evident in everything - in mentality, demeanor and speech patterns. I remember one phrase of his: “Chechnya is the last Soviet republic of the Soviet Union.” I don’t know what he put into it, since he himself had previously supported Boris Yeltsin in his confrontation with the Union Center.

Twice during the conversation, the head of the Vainakh Democratic Party, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, the future head of Ichkeria, who, already in exile, was blown up in Doha (Qatar), visited the office when he was returning home after Friday prayers.

Then, in the fall of 1991, no one, I think, could have imagined that this gloomy schizophrenic with a frozen gaze, who headed children's magazine"Rainbow" will become one of the ideologists of Wahhabism.

When Yandarbiev appeared, who sat down and silently listened to what we were talking about, Dudayev changed literally before our eyes; he began to pour out claims and harsh accusations against Moscow in an excited manner.

After sitting for about five minutes, Yandarbiev, without uttering a word, got up and left, after which Dudayev calmed down and continued the conversation in the same vein. And this happened twice. This led me to believe that Dudayev was subject to the influence of his inner circle, being his hostage - which, in fact, was what subsequent events showed.

Having learned that Dudayev had talked with a correspondent from Moscow for two hours, the leader of the Daimokhk (Fatherland) movement Lecha Umkhaev, a former deputy of the Supreme Council of the Chi ASSR, decided to meet with me.

When in August 1990, an informal group of Chechen intellectuals created an organizing committee to convene the 1st Congress of the Chechen people, which included representatives of almost all parties and social movements, authoritative and respected people in the republic, Lecha Umkhaev was elected chairman of the OK.

It was he, Lecha Umkhaev, who was approved by the congress as Dudayev’s first deputy.

Heading the moderate wing of the National Committee of the Chechen People, Umkhaev understood the situation and, together with his supporters, left the leadership of the OKCHN.

And now he was sitting in a room at the Kavkaz Hotel and telling me, a generally random guest from the capital, that he was the one who, unfortunately, directly had a hand in inviting Dudayev to the republic, that in Moscow they did not understand - Dudayev is not a democrat, but an ambitious leader, and he is controlled by his radical circle. And that all this will ultimately lead to big trouble.

Umkhaev urgently asked to convey this position to the capital’s readers and those politicians with whom I communicate. Time has shown that Umkhaev was absolutely right in his assessments and forecasts. Dudayev took the bit between his teeth, and the very logic of events carried him with the force and pressure of a mountain river.

Meanwhile, democrats and yesterday's party members from the CPSU, who had changed their color, with ecstasy and bitterness shared the skin of the killed Soviet bear in Moscow. When they realized it, it was already too late.

After the unpunished murder of Yuri Kutsenko and the absence of any reaction from Moscow to the seizure of the Supreme Council building in Grozny by the Dudayevites, the genocide of the Russian-speaking and non-Chechen population of the republic began, the liquidation of people suspected of having connections with state security, and the squeezing out of the republic of those Chechens who did not support secession from Russia. Grozny alone left 200 thousand residents with complete indifference Russian authorities and the world community.

From the moment of declaration of independence, Dudayev announced a course towards building a state of the Chechen people. After taking office as president, he issued an order to pardon prisoners in prisons and colonies. The amnesty, as well as high unemployment in the subsidized region of Russia, played an important role in the future crimes of militants and criminal elements against civilians.

In an interview dated July 6, 2006, with a correspondent of the French weekly Pari-Match, famous writer and to publicist Marek Halter, President Vladimir Putin stated in plain text: “...In last years on the territory of Chechnya we observed large-scale genocide against the Russian people, against the Russian-speaking population. Unfortunately, no one responded to this. No one even reacted to the raids on Russian territory that had been carried out all these years. The authorities did not react to the mass kidnappings. You know that the number of kidnapped people in Chechnya was about two thousand people! The interests of the extremists had nothing in common with the interests of the Chechen people. Abductions of Chechens by Chechens began in the republic, which has never happened before in the history of Chechnya” (quote from kremlin.ru).

He said two years later, during a direct line on December 19, 2002, that in Chechnya “as a result of ethnic cleansing, up to 30 thousand people died, and maybe even more” (“Direct Line with the President of the Russian Federation V.V. . Putin". "Olma-Politizdat", 2003).

The head of state, giving these and other assessments, relied on information and documents from law enforcement agencies. Thus, according to the assessment of Colonel General Valery Baranov, who headed the United Group of Forces in the North Caucasus, “the sharp outflow of the Russian-speaking population was caused primarily by the change political regime and his policy of genocide against Russian-speaking citizens” (Valery Baranov. “From military operations to the performance of police functions.” Military-Industrial Courier, No. 4, February 2006).

The materials of the Parliamentary Commission testify to what was happening in Ichkeria under Dudayev State Duma on the study of the causes and circumstances of the crisis situation in the Chechen Republic (Laventa, 1995). The commission was headed by deputy, film director, publicist and public figure Stanislav Govorukhin.

...This is the price of the collapse of empires and the indifference of temporary workers to the fate of their fellow citizens.

PASSPORT FOR DUDAYEV

The head of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP), Arkady Volsky, told me that Dzhokhar Dudayev was offered a Jordanian passport by Yeltsin (on the condition of leaving the war-torn republic), as well as what preceded the start of the war.

We met in July 2005 under the patronage of Hero of the Soviet Union Gennady Nikolaevich Zaitsev. Five hours spent in Volsky’s office on Old Square. A total of five meetings. Most of it was recorded on magnetic tape, the smaller part was recorded on a notepad, by hand.

Arkady Ivanovich was one of those who are usually called political heavyweights. You won’t immediately understand why. A discreet appearance, rustic manners, the leisurely pace of an experienced apparatchik... But his appearance and manner of communicating with people of different levels and circles contained fantastic charm and inner calm strength. And most importantly, he was a brave and courageous man - Afghanistan, Chernobyl, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia, Chechnya...

— Arkady Ivanovich, in your opinion, were the situation in December 1994 and the armed phase of the conflict predetermined?

— It’s difficult for me to answer this question. But, judging by the statement of Rutskoi, who was quite close to all these cases, I think yes. Judging by the stories of the Chechens themselves, I think it was predetermined.

Well, firstly, we ourselves, to be honest (if you take Burbulis and others), brought Dudayev there. They brought it and left it. Secondly, they left all the weapons. Even more than there was! I don’t know, apparently the units left and left. Thirdly, we even left the planes at Severny airport. Well, you know all this perfectly well. Therefore, I think war was inevitable. But! When I met with Dudayev, and I met in very difficult conditions...

- Tell me, please.

- I had a secret (now what to hide?) task: to offer Dudayev a passport, money, a plane - and fly from Chechnya abroad.

- In 1995?

- Yes. But since we couldn’t bring him to Grozny, naturally, after this whole war, I had to crawl to the mountains on my hands and knees. I spent the whole day traveling through impassable mud, “on my stomach.”

— With security, as expected?

— With a Chechen who knew where he lived. In the mountains. What kind of security are you with?! They wouldn't let anyone in. You never know. They were afraid of assassination attempts, and so on. Here you go. And when we arrived... But I almost lied. I had no security, but there was one person with me, who was called my assistant.

-Who was it?

— Conditional title: Assistant to the President of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. And if they check, I set up an office for him here. With his last name. Well, it doesn't matter. He was not allowed into the negotiations, but he still stood. Unarmed.

And to me Dudayev, responding to my words: “I have an order from the president to offer you a passport - a Jordanian one. Here's the money, here's the plane. All. Thank you for your service to the Soviet Army and for commanding a strategic aviation division,” said: “Arkady Ivanovich, you insulted me with this proposal. I understand that it does not come from you. You are the performer. I will not leave my people anywhere. I won’t leave Russia anywhere. Ichkeria, as well as Russia, is my Motherland. I believe that if the Soviet Union had remained, nothing would have happened here. I believe that if the madness with the division of Chechnya and Ingushetia had not been done, then nothing (tragic) would have happened either. I believe that if you had not supported a group of unscrupulous people in our republic, this would not have happened either. Therefore, I’d rather die here, but I won’t go anywhere.”

Dudayev was mortally offended by my proposal. After that, we had a barbecue and started talking about how he, naturally, was a member of the party and how now, although he converted to Islam, he still understands: democracy, freedom and so on. “Your people are making things up about the words in the Koran “kill the infidel,” Dudayev said. “I also thought that they were there, but in fact these words are not there.” We talked with him until the morning. From twelve at night to five in the morning.

— Was it all in the mountains?

- In the mountains. God, it was terrible. Moreover, Dudayev’s security consisted of Ukrainians. Quite a “funny” thing. For me.

— Do you remember in which area the meeting took place?

- No. They dragged me into the night. In a padded jacket, but with a briefcase. I slept in some mountain village. The day before. Then they didn’t let me leave the house for a day so that no bandits would see me... And then in the dark they drove me further into the mountains. I asked, “What do you need to make you stop?” He says: “Give us the rights of Tatarstan and we don’t need anything else.”

— Why did you break up with Dudayev?

“We parted with him very peacefully, amicably and well.” He said: “Sign the agreement, I will try to approve it if Yeltsin signs at least two days before me.” The second thing he told me. Slava Mikhailov and his (Dudaev’s) man conducted negotiations in Ingushetia on the eve of the entry of our troops into Grozny. The negotiations were going very well, quite amicably, and suddenly they were interrupted. Mikhailov, on behalf of President Yeltsin, said that he was inviting him to Sochi. “I had no doubt that the one-on-one negotiations would end peacefully and, like a child, I rejoiced at this invitation. When I arrived, I sewed a new uniform in Grozny. The girls made me a cap, as he said, with a dog...”

- With a wolf, a greyhound...

- Yes, with a wolf. “I was preparing for this challenge. A week passes - no, another passes - silence again. Finally he (Yeltsin) appears in Moscow, and not in Sochi. I start tugging at everyone: why isn’t there a call? Therefore, Arkady Ivanovich, I officially declare to you that if this meeting had taken place, the war would not have started.”

- Who needed this?

- Well, I tell him the same thing - what do you think? And he began to list names for me. I don't want to talk about it now. Sorry.

GRACHEV'S CERTIFICATE

Various sources indicate that a meeting between Yeltsin and Dudayev was planned. She really was preparing, but could she have prevented the war?..

It is generally accepted that the initiator of the beginning of the First Chechen war was the Minister of Defense Pavel Grachev. However, judging by a number of sources, he delayed the start of a full-scale military operation as best he could. However, top officials around Yeltsin, including head of government Viktor Chernomyrdin, believed that a “small victorious war” would not harm the Kremlin.

By that time, Dudayev had staged a coup similar to that carried out by Boris Yeltsin in Moscow: in the spring of 1993, Dudayev dissolved the ChRI government, parliament, constitutional court and Grozny city assembly, introducing direct presidential rule and a curfew throughout Chechnya, and also appointed a vice -President Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. Armed Dudayevites destroyed the Central Election Commission. On June 4, an opposition rally was shot down, the buildings of the Grozny City Hall and the Main Internal Affairs Directorate were stormed, as a result of which about fifty people were killed.

The number of obvious, glaring problems was piling up. An increasing number of Chechens showed discontent or went over to the side of the armed opposition. Many of Dudayev's associates from among the moderate nationalists with whom he took power were in tense relations with him.

It was necessary to wait until the “fruit” fell into one’s hands, but the war party won in Moscow. The entry of federal forces into Chechnya again made the President General the banner of all separatists and attracted crowds of foreign mercenaries and religious fanatics to Chechnya.

From Pavel Grachev’s interview with the Trud newspaper, March 2011: “I still hoped to delay the operation until spring. However, an order was received to move troops immediately. I took command and flew to Mozdok. By December 20, troops reached the borders of Chechnya. B.N. asked to speed it up, I argued, gave reasons: it is necessary to conduct aerial reconnaissance, draw up maps, train soldiers... In the end, I suggested meeting with Dudayev again.

- And what?

- Allowed. I took twelve people for security and negotiations and flew by helicopter to Ingushetia, to Sleptsovsk.

— How were you received?

— Threatening shouts from the crowd. We barely squeezed into the building. And then Dudayev arrived. The crowd cheered. People were shooting in the air. He has 250 guards with him. They immediately pushed my guys back and disarmed them.

- Could you have been removed?..

- Easily. But Dudayev gave the order not to touch. Field commanders and clergy sat at the table with him. I announced without mincing words: Mr. President, the Security Council decided to use force if you do not obey Moscow’s instructions. Dudayev asked whether we will go further or just blockade the republic? I replied, let's go all the way until we put things in order. He is for his own: independence, separation from Russia, we will fight until the last Chechen. After each such statement, the bearded men banged the barrels of their machine guns on the tabletop as a sign of approval, and the clergy nodded their heads in approval.

Then Dudayev and I went into a separate room. There are fruits and champagne on the table. I say: “Dzhokhar, let’s have a drink.” - “No, I’m a Muslim.” - “And in Kabul I drank...” - “Okay.” I ask: “Do you understand what you are doing? I will wipe you off the face of the earth.” He replies: “I understand, but it’s too late. Did you see the crowd? If I give a concession, you and I will be shot and put in charge of another.” We shook hands.

— Was the word “war” uttered?

- No. He is a military man, I am a military man - everything became clear to us without words. In the evening I reported to Yeltsin, and then the command came from him to attack.”

BLOOD TYPE ON A SLEEVE

There was information that a party card and a portrait of Stalin were found among Dudayev’s personal belongings. Whether this is true or not is difficult to say now. Seems like apocrypha. However, it is a fact that the former Soviet artillery colonel Aslan Maskhadov, who turned from the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria into a terrorist, kept his party card with him until the very end!

Both Dudayev and Maskhadov were excellent officers of the Empire. However, with the destruction of the Soviet Union, all their previous service lost its sacred meaning. And they became what they became... What cannot be said about the former president of Ingushetia, Hero of the Soviet Union Ruslan Aushev, who was able to hold his own and keep his republic from turning into a second Ichkeria.

Looking at how the Soviet Union was falling apart, Dudayev, Maskhadov and many others felt free from the oath of power to a weak and alien power. An excellent warrior of the Empire, cavalry general Karl Mannerheim, who became the leader of the Finnish nation, did the same.

Unlike many Finnish political figures who were recognized as war criminals, Field Marshal and former President of Finland Karl Mannerheim escaped criminal prosecution - and Stalin did not seek this! Until the end of his life, there was a portrait with a photograph and personal signature of Emperor Nicholas II on Mannerheim’s desk.

If somewhere in the Universe there is a parallel “political” reality, where a modified USSR, albeit under a different name, continues to exist in the present century, then there is probably a place there for General Dudayev, who, using his rich Afghan experience, plans operations VKS against Islamists in Syria.

As we gather Russia and build the Eurasian Union with our equal allies, we must remember well the lessons of history and do everything to ensure that the catastrophe that destroyed our country twice, in February 1917 and August-December 1991, never happens again. And people who are ready to give their lives for a common cause would remain with us, and not fight among sworn and hardened enemies.

Newspaper "SPECIAL FORCES OF RUSSIA" and magazine "RAZVEDCHIK"