: Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng Zhōngyāng Zhèngzhìjú; abbr. Politburo of the CPC Central Committee; until 1927 - Central Bureau) - a special body of the Communist Party of China, supervising its activities and consisting of 19-25 members. The Politburo of the CPC Central Committee includes the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, which consists of the most influential members of the party (usually the PC Politburo consists of 5 to 9 people). Members of the Politburo are appointed by the Central Committee of the CPC.
The power of the Politburo is unlimited, since all its members occupy leadership positions in the Chinese government. In addition, some members of the Politburo hold leadership positions in the provinces. The Politburo meets once a month, and Standing Committee Politburo - every week. The agenda of the Politburo meeting is determined by the General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and decisions are made by consensus.
The current composition of the Politburo (18th convocation)
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Permanent Committee of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (Kit. Trad. 中國 共產黨 中央 政治局 常務 委員會, UPR. 中国 共产党 央 央 政治局 常务 常务 委员会, Pinyin: Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng Zhōngyāng Zhèngzhìjú chángwù wěiyuánhuì; Socar. Kit. Ex. 政治局 常委, pinyin: Zhèngzhìjú ... Wikipedia
Politburo: Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Politburo of the Central Committee of the BPC Electric locomotive "Politburo" Politburo (TV program) ... Wikipedia
Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
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Books
- Cleansing in the Politburo. How Gorbachev removed the enemies of perestroika, MS Solomentsev. 224 p. Mikhail Sergeevich Solomentsev - member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Under Yu. V. Andropov, Solomentsev headed the Party Control Committee (CPC), which received information about all high-ranking ...
FOLLOWING the successful completion of the 19th National Congress of the CPC, the whole world followed the election of the new members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee. On October 25, at the first plenum of the 19th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping was re-elected as General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee. The new PC of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee also included Li Keqiang, Li Zhanshu, Wang Yang, Wang Huning, Zhao Leji and Han Zheng, who will work together on the great cause of national revival. This new era "dream team" that leads a billion people to realize the Chinese dream of national revival issued a political declaration "on a new image in new era, as well as about new actions”, starting the path to the realization of a dream.
General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Xi Jinping, speaking on behalf of the new leadership, made four promises: that they will carefully fulfill their duty, work diligently, keep their word and live up to expectations. Five years ago, at the meeting with the new PC of the Politburo of the 18th CPC Central Committee, Central Committee General Secretary Xi Jinping also made promises of diligent and diligent work and justified the trust of party members and peoples of different nationalities country. Over the past five years, China has achieved great success and made changes. All these results were obtained thanks to the tireless work of the leaders of the country, as well as in conditions of mutual understanding between the Central Committee of the Party and the people, joint experience, and united efforts in the struggle.
Considering that at the meeting of the 18th Politburo PC, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Xi Jinping provided a blueprint for the path to revival, this time he proposed a timetable for the realization of the Chinese dream.
Five years ago, China took up the historical baton and continued to make efforts and struggle to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Five years later, China has become a self-confident country: in the chosen path, theory, system and culture.
Step by step, stage by stage - this is how a clear plan appeared to form a strong country with socialist modernization. Five years ago, the PRC put forward the idea of moving towards wonderful life- this was the main goal of the struggle; five years later, the ruling party corrected the view of the main contradiction in society, the main focus of the work will be directly focused on improving the life of every person. Five years ago, China made a promise to adhere to strict internal party management and control, effectively solve their own problems; five years later, the anti-corruption struggle was formed and actively promoted, the authority of the CPC Central Committee and the unified centralized leadership, the political justification of the ruling party were strengthened. Five years ago, some foreign media noticed that during the meeting of Chinese leaders, the word "people" became the most used; five years later, the people are still the main creator of the new society. For the happiness of the people and the rebirth of the nation, the original intentions and actions of the CCP allowed it to enter a new era with the great support of the people. General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Xi Jinping said, “History is written by the people, all success belongs to them. We only need to be deeply rooted in people, rely on them, so we can get unlimited help and move forward under any circumstances.
The five-year period from the 19th to the 20th Congresses of the CPC will be the stage of historical reunification of the processes of realizing the goals of the "two centuries": the first hundred-year goal will be realized, and the second century goal will also begin. Precisely because China is currently going through a key connecting period in continuing the struggle, it is especially important to take each step thoughtfully and make good use of each year. The General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping, outlined important time marks and clearly outlined the coordinates of the work.
2018 - 40 years since the implementation of the policy of reforms and opening up: this is the time to take stock, we should continue to deepen reforms in different areas, unfailingly expand openness. The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation must certainly be carried out through the process of reform and opening up.
2019 is the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China: the implementation of the concept of new development, it is necessary to continue to solve the tasks approved under the 13th Five-Year Plan. In this way, the PRC will become more prosperous and stronger.
2020 is the year of all-round construction of a moderately prosperous society: it should be remembered that realizing people's desire for a wonderful life is the task of the country's leadership, it is necessary to adhere to the development mindset that puts the people at the center, resolutely fight poverty, make efforts to do the work of ensuring and improving the living conditions of the people. The life of Chinese citizens will be better every year.
2021 - 100th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China: On the path of all-round adherence to strict Party discipline, we must continue to get rid of the problems that limit the healthy development of the Party, make every effort to create a political environment based on upholding moral standards through dedication and unity without any personal gain . The positive energy of the Party is a majestic force in the cohesion of the whole society for the further development of China.
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More than 500 people, although 100 were announced, came the other day to the building of the Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia in the capital of the republic for a rally in defense of school education in Russian, against the transition of schools of national minorities only to the Latvian language of instruction.
On October 25, a press conference was held in Beijing, where the composition of the new Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, which performs the function of supreme body authorities. The number of PC members remained the same, it included: Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, Li Zhanshu, Wang Yang, Wang Huning, ZhaoLeji, Han Zheng. The names of the members of the PC were named by the general secretary in that order. Thus, the formation of a new composition of the most important bodies of the leadership of the CCP was completed, which includes, in addition to the Standing Committee of the Politburo, the Central Committee and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCPD).
Li Keqiang. Photo REUTERS
In his five years in power, Xi Jinping has managed to consolidate considerable power in his hands. At the 18th Party Congress in 2012, Xi was chosen largely as a compromise figure, representing the so-called "princes", descendants of the founders and early leaders of the PRC. He was also close to the "Shanghai", which is a significant force in the political and economic spheres of China. Li Keqiang, a representative of another influential political group, the Komsomol members, was chosen as Premier of the State Council. Under the Chinese system of government, the general secretary of the party is the political leader, while the country's economy is managed by the State Council under the leadership of its premier.
After coming to power, Xi Jinping gradually deprived Li Keqiang of the levers of control, concentrating the main levers in his hands with the help of "small groups" - semi-official party and government agencies accountable to him. Key decisions and initiatives in the economy were made by Xi Jinping in the party government, bypassing the State Council led by Li Keqiang. Thus, Xi was able to concentrate in his hands the decision-making process in the political and economic spheres.
Xi Jinping. Photo REUTERS
The PRC leader also strengthened his personal power in the CCP. On his initiative, a large-scale anti-corruption campaign was launched, during which all strong leaders capable of challenging Xi Jinping were eliminated. The whole leadership was subjected to great purges, from middle to high and top level. The vacated seats were taken by Xi Jinping's associates, acquaintances from work in the provinces of Zhejiang and Fujian, as well as a group from Shaanxi province. They formed an influence group personally loyal to the general secretary of the CCP. During the five years of Xi Jinping's rule, he replaced 8 ministers and 3 top party officials, 21 provincial party secretaries, 17 governors, 3 out of 4 mayors of cities under the central subordination of the PRC. Thus, the leader of the People's Republic of China created the backbone of his team loyal to him, occupying the main commanding heights in the party and the state apparatus. This was a particularly important point in the preparations for the 19th Congress of the CCP: the Chinese state is a decentralized bureaucratic system in which the support of the provincial leadership and various departments is of great importance.
It should be noted that a significant increase in Xi Jinping's power is not only the result of domestic political struggle. Such changes in political system China is rather a consequence of the evolution of the state. ongoing changes in the economy and social sphere require greater concentration of power and active actions, which predetermined Xi's model of power. The factionalism of the CPC was generated, among other things, by the rapidly growing market economy. Now, in the context of a changing economic model, it is necessary to concentrate power and eliminate the resistance of groups whose financial well-being is based on the old economic model.
19th Congress of the Communist Party of China. Photo REUTERS
By the 19th Congress of the CCP, Xi Jinping had become one of the most powerful leaders in the history of the PRC. He concentrated in his hands considerable power in the party, administrative and military spheres. During 2017, Xi took a series of steps to strengthen his own position ahead of the CCP Congress. The pressure on representatives of other groups was increased as part of the campaign against the so-called "gray rhinos" - troubled companies who have connections in the leadership and live off government subsidies. An example of such actions is the arrest of Anbang head Wu Xiaohui, who is married to Deng Xiaoping's granddaughter. DalianWanda, Fosun, HNA also had problems.
Pressure on companies associated with former leaders countries, combined with Xi Jinping's appointment of his proteges to key positions, was intended to strengthen the position of the PRC leader in the bidding for the composition of the future Standing Committee. Officially, the composition of the PC and the Politburo is determined by the delegates at the party congress, but in fact, a list of candidates is submitted for consideration by the congress, which are determined by long behind-the-scenes negotiations. The final list reflects the degree of influence of various factions and the overall balance of power.
Before the congress, various assumptions were made regarding both the composition of the PC and possible changes in the management structure of the Communist Party; uncertainty reigned in the expert community. This was due to significant changes in the internal life of the party, namely the strengthening of the personal power of General Secretary Xi Jinping and the confrontation between him and part of the party elite. Since coming to power in 2012, Xi has faced factionalism within the CCP, with various influence groups making it difficult for him to pursue his own line. Using his apparatus weight and the anti-corruption campaign he launched, Xi Jinping was able, firstly, to put his supporters in power and create his own group of influence, and secondly, to weaken other clans.
In parallel, the image of Xi Jinping as an unquestioned authority leading the party and the nation forward was cultivated, which was reflected in the proclamation of Xi as the "core of the party" in 2016 and the introduction of his ideas into the charter of the CPC at the last congress.
Thus, loyalty to Xi Jinping began to be interpreted not just as following one of the top leaders, the first among equals, but much more broadly - Xi Jinping represents the general course of the party, and to contradict him means to oppose the entire Communist Party.
The introduction of Xi Jinping's theory into the CPC charter consolidates his personal power; since the time of Mao Zedong, not a single CPC leader has had the power of indisputable authority. Deng Xiaoping's theory was included in the CCP charter as a tribute to the former leader in 1997, while Xi Jinping's name was included in the charter while he was in power. This gives Xi Jinping the necessary carte blanche to carry out structural reforms in the party apparatus and also elevates him above factional infighting. During the previous five years in power, Xi found supporters among other clans, which blurred the lines between clans considerably. The destruction of the old system of factionalism in the CCP was the main achievement of Xi Jinping in party politics, which also influenced the composition of the new Standing Committee, which included people from different clans, but united by loyalty and strong ties to the general secretary.
In the formation of the new Standing Committee, it can be seen that preference was given in the first place not to origin from one group or another, but to current loyalty and professionalism.
Li Zhanshu. Photo REUTERS
Li Zhanshu started his career under Hu Jintao, during the previous five years he headed the Chancellery of the CPC Central Committee and was in charge of daily document management. By duty, always by the side of Xi Jinping, Li was able to earn his trust. By becoming a confidant of the secretary general, Li Zhanshu was able to secure a place for himself in the future of the PC. He is the most likely candidate to replace the outgoing NPC leader Zhang Dejiang and will be in charge of legislative and administrative work.
Wang Yan. Photo REUTERS
Wang Yang is the vice premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, and he will probably be in charge of economic reform in the new PC, as he is known as a supporter of the market course. His appointment to the PC means Xi Jinping's intention to deepen market reforms and reduce the state's participation in the economy, the transition from state capitalism to the regulatory role of the state in the economy.
One of China's most pressing problems is the significant debt of local governments, whose credit ratings were based on confidence in central government guarantees. These loans are used to support inefficient state-owned enterprises. The reforms initiated in this area led to the paralysis local government, local leaders do not dare to take initiatives. At the same time, the local bureaucracy is largely dependent on state-owned enterprises and is in no hurry to reduce the presence of state participation in the economy. The personnel changes that took place in the highest echelons of the CCP during the congress give Xi Jinping an opportunity to step up market reforms in order to reduce the presence of the state in the economy.
Wang Huning. Photo REUTERS
Wang Huning, who was the head of the Political Research Center under the CPC Central Committee, in addition to being appointed to the PC, also received the post of head of the secretariat of the CPC Central Committee. For several decades, he was one of the developers of the ideological agenda for the leadership of the party, being one of the main ideologists during the periods of Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao in power. Despite the fact that in the expert community he is attributed to the "Shanghai" clan, in the new PC, Xi Jinping will entrust him with domestic political and ideological work, as the head of the Central Committee secretariat, he will also be responsible for conducting domestic political events. Such trust is caused, first of all, by the high professionalism of Wang, who was at the origin of many ideological programs of three generations of CPC leaders.
Zhao Leji. Photo REUTERS
Zhao Leji, in addition to being appointed to the PC, also became the head of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), the all-powerful body through which Xi was able to put his party policies into practice. For Xi Jinping, this position is of great importance, so a person from the "Shanxi" group close to him was appointed to it. Zhao has extensive experience in personnel work, in the previous five years, he headed the organizational department of the CPC Central Committee, which is responsible for the appointment of senior officials. The "Shaanxi" group has grown significantly thanks to Xi Jinping, who was born and raised in this province, which explains the devotion of the "Shaanxi" to the Secretary General. Purpose loved one, who has experience in personnel policy, gives Xi Jinping confidence to continue the course he has begun to purge the party cadres.
Han Zheng. Photo REUTERS
Han Zheng, who was appointed to the PC, became the only 100% representative of the "Shanghai" clan in the PC. Han began his career in the GPC Shanghai, which is unusual for China, and achieved significant success in urban management. During his career, he enjoyed the favor of Jiang Zemin, being one of the main "Shanghai" in power. Xi Jinping's trust in him stems from his anti-corruption campaign in Shanghai after the arrest of another "Shanghai" Chen Liangyu, as well as his successful experience in managing large projects such as the 2010 Shanghai EXPO. In the new PC, Han Zheng will be in charge of the day-to-day management of the economy.
If we consider the new composition of the PC from the point of view of clan affiliation in the classical sense, then the composition looks motley: Li Zhanshu and Zhao Leji were initially considered as Xi's creatures, while Wang Huning and Han Zheng belonged to the "Shanghai" clan, and Wang Yang - to the Komsomol members. However, in the current conditions of inner-party life, factional boundaries are blurred, Xi Jinping's name in the CCP charter puts him above factions, and disloyalty to him becomes a crime against the party. In addition, all the new PC members have worked with the General Secretary for a considerable time and have earned his trust. Thus, the new composition of the PC can be called "Xijinping", focused on the general secretary.
From the point of view of professional experience, the new composition of the PC meets the goals put forward by Xi Jinping in his keynote speech. A new vision was enshrined in the official documents of the party economic development countries, according to which the focus is not on rapid economic growth, as in previous decades, but on progressive uniform development. Among the key goals of the party is the alignment of distortions in the economy that have appeared over decades of spontaneous development. This includes inequality in the incomes of the population, inequality of regions in terms of wealth and level of development, excessive state presence in some sectors of the economy, inefficiency of the state machine in a rapidly developing Chinese society.
The next five years will be a time of structural reforms and preparations for the handover of power to the next generation of leaders. Contrary to established tradition, the 19th CCP Congress did not elect members to the PC who could be considered successors to the fifth generation of leaders. Another sign of the absence of a successor was the all-military Central Military Council (CMC). If there is a candidate for a successor to the general secretary, he is usually appointed as the first deputy head of the Central Military Commission. The absence of such a person suggests that Xi has not decided on a candidate and will choose a new successor over the next five years.
A possible successor is Chen Miner, who, after the resignation of the head of the city committee of Chongqing, Sun Zhengcai, took his place. He owes such a fast career entirely to the patronage of Xi Jinping. The appointment to the post of secretary of the Chongqing City Committee suggests that Xi is considering Chen as his possible successor. During the history of the PRC in recent decades, Chongqing has often become a testing ground for those applying for the highest positions in the state. However, changes are possible within five years, and who will become the next head of the CCP is still unclear. However, there is no doubt that even after leaving official posts, Xi Jinping will retain significant influence on the party leadership and the decisions it makes.
Anton Bugaenko, expert at the Institute of World Economy and Politics (IMEP) under the Foundation of the First President - Elbasy
Before key event in the political calendar of China - the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of China, following which a new composition of the country's de facto supreme authorities, the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee and the Standing Committee of the Politburo (PCPB) will be elected. The names of the people who will sit on the Standing Committee will reveal much about China's political future for many years to come.
The PCPB is part of the Politburo and consists of the seven most influential members of the party, who occupy the highest state and party positions. Decisions in the standing committee are made by consensus.
The current PCPB includes General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Xi Jinping, Premier of the State Council Li Keqiang, Chairman of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) Wang Qishan, First Vice Premier of the State Council Zhang Gaoli, member of the secretariat of the CPC Central Committee Liu Yunshan, chairman of the National People's Committee of China political advisory council Yu Zhengsheng, chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC PC) Zhang Dejiang.
Around the upcoming congress on October 18, however, as well as around any other political event of this magnitude, there are a lot of rumors and speculation.
Analysts and journalists are asking questions about whether the rule on the resignation of party leaders over the age of 67 will be respected, whether a clear successor to Xi Jinping will be appointed, and whether the membership of the PCPB will be reduced to five people. It also remains unknown whether the current party leader will break the unspoken party rules and whether China will move from the model of collective governance of the country to the power of one person.
Classics of the genre
Congresses of the Communist Party are held every five years. As a rule, at such intermediate congresses as the present one, there is a change in the significant composition of the Politburo and the Standing Committee of the Politburo. In addition, according to unspoken rules, successors to the party secretary general and the prime minister are appointed at such congresses, who should replace them in five years.
If everything goes according to established practice, then five of the seven current members of the PCPB, except for Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang, should retire. The two youngest members to join the PCCP will be designated as the future successors of Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, who will succeed them after 2022. The number of members of the PCPB will remain the same - seven people, three seats in it will be distributed according to seniority. According to the established tradition, the successors of the party secretary general and the prime minister must be no older than 57 years old in order to serve at least five years in the PCPB and two more five-year terms in key positions.
Historically, the transfer of power in the Chinese Communist Party has been a complex process, and only in 2002 and 2012 did it resemble an institutional process. In the past, former party leaders have had a great deal of influence in choosing a successor. Thus, Deng Xiaoping played a role in the selection of Hu Jintao as Jiang Zemin's successor, and Xi Jinping's candidacy was endorsed by Jiang Zemin. As a rule, the candidacy of the general secretary is chosen by his predecessor, and the incumbent leader himself - the candidacy of the prime minister.
If this tradition continues, then Hu Jintao will choose a successor to Xi Jinping, and Xi Jinping himself will choose a candidate for premier. Although, some analysts argue that Hu Jintao is too weak and uninfluential leader and is unlikely to play any role in the appointment of Xi Jinping's successor.
Potential candidates include Guangdong Provincial Party Committee Chairman Hu Chunhua and Chongqing City Party Committee Chairman Chen Min'er. Another main contender was the former head of the party committee of Chongqing, the rising star of the political horizon of China, Sun Zhencai, who was expelled from the party on the eve of the congress on suspicion of violating party discipline.
Hu Chunhua, who has the best resume of any potential successor, is considered Hu Jintao's protégé. He is already a Politburo member with experience in four different provinces.
Meanwhile, Chen Min'er, who replaced Sun Zhencai as Chongqing Party Committee, is seen as a protégé of Xi Jinping. He served as head of the party's propaganda department when Xi Jinping led the Party Committee of Zhejiang Province. It is for this reason that experts call Chen Miner the “protege” of the current secretary general and predict that he will become the country’s premier in 2022.
According to the traditional scenario, Hu Chunhua and Chen Min'er are to be elected to the PCCP in order to receive the positions of general secretary and premier, respectively, in 2022. The remaining three seats must be filled by members of the Politburo on the basis of seniority. The main candidates for the other three seats are Shanghai Party Committee Chairman Han Zheng, Propaganda Department Head Liu Qibao, Central Committee Affairs Manager Li Zhanshu, Central Committee Organizing Committee Chairman Zhao Leji, and Vice Premier Wang Yang. According to analysts, Zhao Leji and Wang Yang are the youngest and therefore lose out on the principle of seniority. Thus, Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, Hu Chunhua, Chen Min'er, Liu Qibao, Li Zhanshu, and Han Zheng can join the standing committee.
Retirement age and the fate of the anti-corruption king
One of the most discussed issues in the press on the eve of the 19th Congress is the fate of the head of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCPD) Wang Qishan. Although formally the sixth man in the CCP hierarchy, Wang Qishan is often referred to as Xi Jinping's right-hand man, the country's second-in-command and "anti-corruption king" who has played a decisive role in the fight against corruption at all levels so active in recent years.
Wang Qishan is one of the five members of the Politburo standing committee who is over 67 years old, which, according to an unspoken rule that has not been violated since 2002, implies his retirement or transfer to some ceremonial post. However, Wang Qishan has become a central figure in the implementation of one of the most important campaigns in the country - combating intra-party corruption, so his departure may slow down progress, which has gained impressive momentum in recent years.
At the same time, a number of analysts consider it illogical and reckless to focus the entire anti-corruption campaign on one person; in their opinion, it should be carried out regardless of who is at the head of the anti-corruption body.
Experts believe that Xi Jinping may break the unspoken rule of "retirement age" in order to keep Wang Qishan in power. This could set a precedent for himself if he wants to remain in power beyond a second term in 2022, when he turns 69.
Successor dilemma and the path to a third term
It is worth noting that there is no clear rule governing the appointment of the next successor to the current leader. The number of members of the PCPB also changed. IN different years it consisted of five to nine people.
Most analysts see the "traditional" scenario as unrealistic and believe that Xi Jinping is unlikely to allow departed party leaders to decide on his successor. There are reports in the press that the very tradition of appointing a successor may also be violated, the composition of the PCPB will be narrowed, which will include only Xi Jinping's confidants, which will allow him to start his second term with a team loyal to him.
In this scenario, the PCPB could include Xi Jingping, Li Keqiang, Wang Qishan, as well as close associates of the Secretary General - the head of the Central Committee Li Zhanshu and the head of the Organizational Department of the Central Committee Zhao Leji.
According to experts, such a scenario will de facto lead to the establishment of a "presidential form" of government, since the standing committee will no longer be a collective management body, but will become Xi Jinping's personal advisory council. In this case, he will be in a good position to remain in power beyond 2022. If a potential successor is not named after the PCPB congress, this will be a clear signal that Xi Jinping plans to stay in power beyond 2022.
According to the Chinese Constitution, the chairman can only be elected for two terms of five years, but there are no such restrictions for the leader of the party, except that he cannot hold this position for life.
If Xi Jinping steps down as chairman of the country in 2023, but remains at the head of the party and the Central Military Council, then his successor will be only a symbolic figure who will not have real power. He can also transfer authority to Chen Miner, but remain in the PCPB in a different rank, retaining real power.
No matter how events unfold, it is clear that Xi Jinping has already consolidated enormous power in his hands. Last October, he was named the "core" of the party, a status that only Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin have been given, and that Hu Jintao never had.
In addition, according to media reports, at the upcoming congress, the Communist Party Charter will be amended to include the ideological "thoughts of Xi Jinping", which will compare him to Mao Zedong.
Men's club
The status of women in recent years in China, as well as throughout the world, has grown significantly, they are included in the lists of the richest residents of the country, run corporations, and occupy prominent political posts. Women have even been able to break into top positions in Taiwan and Hong Kong. However, the circle of the highest political elite in mainland China still includes only men.
The Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee has continued to be an exclusively male club since its inception. In the almost century-old history of the party, women have only been able to break into the Politburo, whose members are currently two women - Vice Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Liu Yandong and head of the Department of the United Front of the CPC Central Committee Sun Chunlan.
Both of them, though for different reasons, have virtually no chances of passing to the PC at the upcoming 19th Congress. Liu Yandong is already 71 years old and, although she is considered a fairly significant political figure, she does not pass by the age principle. Sun Chunlan is 67 years old this year, and she could be among the most influential party officials in the country, but her position is not one that can be called a good springboard in the PC.
A possible contender for joining the Politburo was the former Minister of Justice of the People's Republic of China, Wu Aiying, but in February of this year she was removed from her post, and by decision of the 7th Plenum of the 18th CPC Central Committee, which ended on Saturday, she was expelled from the party due to with an investigation into her involvement in corruption crimes.
Seven women remain full members of the 18th CPC Central Committee with the right to vote, but according to analysts at the upcoming congress, only the chairman of the State Committee for Health and Planned Childbirth Li Bin has a chance of further promotion to the Politburo. Li Bin is currently the only female minister in China.
There are 23 women candidates for membership in the Central Committee, some of whom have already been appointed to ceremonial posts, which automatically blocks their way to the top. At the same time, the vast majority of women in the Central Committee have worked in the same province or in the same field for years, which means that they have too little chance of quickly moving up the party career ladder.
The most suitable position for joining the Politburo is considered to be the head of the party committee of the province or the city of central subordination, at the moment there are no women in such positions in China.
The Standing Committee of the CPC Politburo consists of 5 to 9 Politburo members appointed by the Central Committee. The meetings of the Standing Committee are held weekly, chaired by the General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and decisions are taken by consensus. The Standing Committee is actually China's highest decision-making body.
Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee
The Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee is appointed by the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee. The Secretariat has great influence in the Communist Party. The main function of the secretariat is to resolve personnel issues in the party and the state.
General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee
The General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee is elected at the plenum of the CPC Central Committee from among the members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee. The General Secretary also holds the posts of head of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee and head of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee. It is the highest post in the Chinese Communist Party. By tradition, one person holds the posts of both the head of the Communist Party and the head of state - the Chairman of the PRC, and is also the chairman of the Central Military Councils of the PRC and the CPC, that is, he is the head of the armed forces.
CCP Central Commission for Discipline Inspection
The CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection is appointed by the Chinese National Congress of the CPC and reports exclusively to it. The main task of the commission is to fight corruption and abuse within the Communist Party.
local party committees
Each unit at the provincial, district, county and township level has its own party committee. The committee is elected by the party congress of the respective territorial unit and approved by the party committee of a higher level. Thus, the Central Committee of the CCP, namely its Secretariat, is also in charge of local appointments to Party positions.
The procedure for electing deputies to local party congresses is established by the local party committee and approved by the higher committee. Local Party Congresses are convened every five years. The term of office of local party committees is also five years. Plenums of local party committees are convened at least twice a year. Plenums of local party committees elect the Standing Committee of the local party committee, which operates between plenums.
Primary party organizations
Primary party organizations are established in all enterprises, villages, institutions, educational institutions, research institutes, residential areas, companies of the People's Liberation Army of China, wherever there are at least three members of the Communist Party. Depending on the number of party members in the primary organization, either the Primary Party Committee is elected, whose term of office is three or four years, or the bureau of the united cell of primary Party organizations, whose term of office is two or three years. Primary party committees and cell bureaus are elected at a general meeting of rank-and-file party members and approved by higher committees.
CCP leaders
The leaders of the Chinese Communist Party are replaced every ten years, since the party's charter does not allow one person to hold office for more than two five-year terms. Political scientists single out "Generations of PRC Leaders", each generation is the leader of China at the appropriate time and his team. The first generation is the people of Mao Zedong, the second is Deng Xiaoping, the third is Jiang Zemin, the fourth is Hu Jintao. The 18th CPC Congress, held from November 8 to 14, 2012, appointed the fifth generation of Chinese leaders to party positions.
General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee
On November 15, 2012, the First Plenum of the 18th CPC Central Committee appointed Xi Jinping as General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee.
Politburo of the CPC Central Committee
| Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee | ||||||
| Xi Jinping (习近平) | ||||||
| General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, Chairman of the People's Republic of China, Chairman of the Military Council of the People's Republic of China | ||||||
 |  | |||||
| Li Keqiang | Zhang Dejiang | Yu Zhengsheng | ||||
| Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China | Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee | |||||
| Liu Yunshan | Wang Qishan | Zhang Gaoli | ||||
| Politburo of the CPC Central Committee - All members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, as well as: | ||||||
| Ma Kai | Wang Huning | Liu Yunshan | Liu Yandong | Liu Qibao | Xu Qiliang | |
| Xun Chunlan | Xun Zhengcai | Li Jianguo | Li Yuanchao | Wang Yang | Zhang Chunxian | |
| Fan Changlong | Meng Jianzhu | Zhao Yueji | Li Zhanshu | Guo Jinlong | Han Zheng | |