A huge number circulating around the country paper money, uncontrolled emission, chaotic management of the country's finances, the lack of a unified reporting scheme for allocated appropriations - all this resulted in a monstrous amount of various abuses by government officials. The country needed not only a monetary reform capable of making the ruble a solid and reliable currency, but a complete restructuring of the entire state financial apparatus. An attempt at such a reform was made by V.A. Tatarinov, Minister of Finance under Alexander II.
Background of the Nikolaev reform. Reform Tatarinov
Historians attribute the so-called Witte reform or the reform of Nicholas II to the number of the most successful monetary transformations from a financial point of view. The main task that was set - and quite successfully solved - was not only to increase the value of paper money and bring the value of credit notes to the nominal value. The main success was the settlement of the general cash flow in the country and the elevation of the ruble to the level of the world currency.
However, before talking about the reform of Nicholas II, it is worth mentioning the previous reform, rarely mentioned by historians. It was undertaken by V.A. Tatarinov, Minister of Finance of Alexander I, in 1862-1866.
It would be wrong to call Tatarinov's transformations only a monetary reform, especially in light of the fact that they did not bring any significant, global changes in monetary terms. The main thing that the Minister of Finance's efforts were aimed at was putting things in order in the principles and schemes of conducting financial turnover. Tatarinov began the greatest deed in the history of the empire - a radical redesign of the entire monetary administration, subordination of cash flows to a single body - the Ministry of Finance, and the development of a unified reporting system on spent and allocated funds. In a word, the state decided to take on a very difficult task - the destruction of financial arbitrariness, abuse and fraud. The centralization of cash flows, initiated by Tatarinov, formed the basis of the financial scheme that the state uses to this day.
However, one of the main goals of the reform was still to strengthen the exchange rate of the paper ruble. To solve this problem, a grandiose loan of 16 million pounds was made, since the country's internal resources were clearly not enough. The ruble exchange rate was supposed to be strengthened by exchanging paper money for metal equivalents, and with an increasing coefficient. The state exchanged credit notes for semi-imperials and silver rubles at an inflated rate, which was announced in advance.
As conceived by the financiers, the population, seeing that the state has been buying paper rubles for several years above the nominal value indicated on them, should have preferred to keep their savings not in metal money, but in paper money. However, Tatarinov did not take into account that most of the huge mass of paper money that was in circulation at that time would be presented for exchange. As a result, not only the loan fund was spent on the metallized exchange, but also a part of the metallized reserve formed by Tatarinov's predecessor.
Then the needs of the state, which entered the Russian-Turkish war, forced them to resort again to a tried and tested means - the issuance of paper money. This brought to naught all the positive aspects of the reform and further depreciated banknotes.
Reform of Nicholas II
The reform of Nicholas II was one of the most thoughtful and carefully prepared financial transactions. The result was a strengthened position of Russia.
Reform S.Yu. Witte or the reform of Nicholas II, carried out in 1895-1897, not only increased confidence in paper money, but also made the Russian ruble one of the most reliable and stable currencies in the European financial market.
The last pre-Soviet large-scale monetary reform, and, according to most historians, the most successful of all, was the reform of 1895-1897. Prepared and conducted by S.Yu. Witte, an outstanding financier and analyst of his time, it was carried out in stages and put into effect over several years. And the success of the reform had an effect on the country's economy until the outbreak of the First World War, when the financial system of the state again shook.
In historical science, and in public consciousness as well, the transformations and reforms carried out in monarchical states, it is customary to associate with the personality of the monarch reigning at that time. It never occurs to anyone to call the transformations of Peter the Great, Catherine II or Alexander II the reforms of Menshikov, Potemkin or Milyutin. There are historical concepts: "Peter's transformations", "Catherine's age", "Great reforms of Alexander II". No one would dare to call the famous Code Napoléon (Napoleon's Code) the "Francois Tronchet Code" or the "Jean Portalis Code", although it was these people who were the direct executors of the will of the First Consul to draw up a legislative act. This is as true as the fact that Peter the Great founded Petersburg and Louis XIV built Versailles.
But as soon as it comes to the era of the last Sovereign, for some reason they operate with terms: “Witte's reform” or “Stolypin's reform”. Meanwhile, Witte and Stolypin themselves invariably called these transformations the reforms of Emperor Nicholas II. S.Yu. Witte spoke of the monetary reform of 1897: " Russia owes its metallic gold circulation exclusively to Emperor Nicholas II". P.A. Stolypin on March 6, 1907, speaking in the State Duma, said: “The government set itself one goal - to preserve those covenants, those foundations, those principles that were the basis for the reforms of Emperor Nicholas II”. Witte and Stolypin knew well that all their reform activities would have been impossible without the approval and guidance of the Autocrat.
Serious modern researchers come to an unequivocal conclusion about Emperor Nicholas II as an outstanding reformer. Historian D.B. Strukov notes: “By nature, Nicholas II was very disposed to the search for new solutions and improvisation. His state thought did not stand still, he was not a dogmatist".
A detailed and unbiased study of the course of reforms in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century irrefutably proves that Emperor Nicholas II was their main initiator and staunch supporter. He did not refuse to reform even in the conditions of the revolution of 1905-1907. At the same time, Nicholas II was well versed in the issues of that side of the life of the country, which he was going to reform. In 1909, Deputy Minister of the Interior S.E. Kryzhanovsky reported to Nicholas II his thoughts on the project of decentralization of the Empire. He later recalled: “I was struck by the ease with which the Sovereign, who had no special training, understood the complex issues of the electoral procedure both in our country and in Western countries, and the curiosity that he showed at the same time”.
Moreover, there is no doubt that the reforms were never born in the head of the Sovereign spontaneously, he hatched many of them even before accession to the throne. Under Nicholas II, a total of more transformations were carried out than under Peter the Great and under Alexander II. It is enough just to list the main ones to be convinced of this: 1) the introduction of a wine monopoly;
2) monetary reform;
3) education reform;
4) the abolition of peasant "mutual responsibility";
5) judicial reform;
6) reform government controlled(establishment of the State Duma, the Council of Ministers, etc.);
7) the law on religious tolerance;
8) the introduction of civil liberties;
9) agrarian reform of 1906;
10) military reform;
11) healthcare reform.
At the same time, it should be taken into account that these reforms were practically painless for the majority of the population of the Russian Empire, precisely because the Sovereign did not put the transformation itself at the forefront, but the people in whose name it was carried out.
The example of Emperor Nicholas II convincingly proves that it is possible to carry out the most ambitious, most grandiose reforms and transformations without the death and impoverishment of millions of people, as will be the case with the Bolshevik "transformations". But it was under Emperor Nicholas II that all the “great construction projects of communism” were programmed, started or implemented, which the Bolsheviks took credit for: the electrification of the entire country, BAM, the development of the Far East, the construction of the largest railways, the construction of the largest hydroelectric power stations at that time, the foundation of an ice-free port beyond the Arctic Circle.
The most vivid reformatory activity of Emperor Nicholas II manifested itself during the implementation of the famous Agrarian Reform of 1906.
They say that if a person does not know the history of his native state, then he does not know his roots. On the one hand, what do we, who are living today, care about the fate of the rulers who ruled several hundred years ago? But practice shows that historical experience does not lose its relevance in any era. The reign of Nicholas 2 was the final chord in the reign of the Romanov dynasty, but it also turned out to be the most striking and turning point in the history of our country. The article below will introduce you to royal family th, you will learn about what Nicholas 2 was like. His time, reforms and features of his reign will be of interest to everyone.
The last Emperor
Nicholas 2 had many titles and regalia: he was the Emperor of All Russia, the Grand Duke of Finland, the Tsar of Poland. He was appointed a colonel, and the British monarchs awarded him the rank of field marshal of the British army and admiral of the navy. This suggests that among the heads of other states, he enjoyed respect and popularity. He was a man of easy communication, but at the same time he never lost his self-respect. In any situation, the emperor never forgot that he was a person of royal blood. Even in exile, during house arrest and in the last days of his life, he remained a real person.
The reign of Nicholas 2 showed that patriots with good thoughts and glorious deeds for the good of the Fatherland did not disappear on Russian soil. Contemporaries said that Nicholas 2 looked more like a nobleman: a simple-minded, conscientious man, he approached any business responsibly and always sensitively responded to someone else's pain. He was condescending to all people, even ordinary peasants, he could easily talk on an equal footing with any of them. But the sovereign never forgave those who got involved in money scams, cheated and deceived others.
Reforms of Nicholas 2
The emperor ascended the throne in 1896. This is a difficult time for Russia, difficult for the common people and dangerous for the ruling class. The emperor himself firmly adhered to the principles of autocracy and always emphasized that he would strictly preserve his charter and did not intend to carry out any changes. The date of the reign of Nicholas 2 fell on a difficult time for the state, so the revolutionary unrest among the people and their dissatisfaction with the ruling class forced Nicholas 2 to carry out two major reforms. These were: the political reform of 1905-1907. and the agrarian reform of 1907. The history of the reign of Nicholas 2 shows that almost every step of the sovereign was implored and calculated.
Bulygin reform of 1905
The first reform began with a preparatory phase, which took place from February to August 1905. A Special Meeting was created, which was led by the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin. During this time, a manifesto was prepared on the establishment of the State Duma and the Regulations on elections. They were published on August 6, 1905. But because of the uprising of the working class, the legislative council was not convened.
In addition, the All-Russian political strike took place, which forced Emperor Nicholas 2 to make serious political concessions and issue a manifesto on October 17, which endowed the legislative Duma with legislative rights, proclaimed political freedom and significantly expanded the circle of voters.
All the work of the Duma and the principles of its formation were recorded in the Election Regulations of December 11, 1905, in the Decree on the composition and structure of the State Duma of February 20, 1906, and also in the Fundamental Laws of April 23, 1906. Changes in the state structure are formalized by a legislative act. Legislative functions were given to the State Council and the Council of Ministers, which began its work on October 19, 1905, and Yu.V. Witte. The reforms of Nicholas 2 indirectly pushed the state to change power and overthrow the autocracy.
The collapse of the Duma of 1906-1907
The first in Russia was very democratic, but the demands put forward were radical. They believed that political transformations should continue, they demanded that the landowners stop land ownership, they condemned the autocracy, based on total terror. In addition, they expressed distrust of the ruling power. Of course, all these innovations were not acceptable to ruling class. Therefore, the first and second thoughts of 1906-1907. were dissolved by Emperor Nicholas II.
The political reform of Nicholas 2 ended with the fact that it was created in which the rights of the people were severely limited. The new political system could not work with unresolved socio-economic and political problems.
The reign of Nicholas 2 was a turning point for the political system of the state. The Duma turned into a platform for criticizing the authorities, showing itself as an opposition body. This prompted a new revolutionary uprising and further intensified the crisis in society.
Agrarian "Stolypin" reform
The transformation process began in 1907. P.A. Stolypin. The main goal was to preserve landownership. To achieve this result, it was decided that it was necessary to liquidate the communities and sell the land to the peasants living in the villages through the Peasants' Bank. In order to reduce the lack of peasant land, they began to resettle peasants beyond the Urals. In the hope that all these measures will stop social upheavals in society and it will be possible to modernize Agriculture launched agrarian reform.
The rise of the Russian economy
The introduced innovations have brought tangible results in the agricultural sector, the economy of the Russian state has experienced a noticeable rise. Grain yields increased by 2 centners per hectare, the volume of harvested products increased by 20%, grain exported abroad increased 1.5 times in volume. The incomes of the peasants increased markedly and their purchasing power increased. The reign of Nicholas 2 raised agriculture to a new level.
But, despite a noticeable rise in the economy, the ruler could not solve social issues. The form of government remained the same, and dissatisfaction with it among the people gradually increased. So only 25% of the households left the community, 17% of those resettled beyond the Urals returned, and 20% of the peasants who took the land through the Peasants' Bank went bankrupt. As a result, the provision of peasants with allotments of land decreased from 11 acres to 8 acres. It became clear that the second reform of Nicholas 2 ended unsatisfactorily and the agrarian problem had not been resolved.
Summing up the reign of Nicholas 2, it can be argued that by 1913 the Russian Empire had become one of the richest in the world. This did not prevent, after 4 years, the villainous murder of the great king, his entire family and faithful close people.
Features of the education of the future emperor
Nikolai 2 himself was brought up in strictness and in a Spartan way in childhood. He devoted a lot of time to sports, there was simplicity in clothes, and delicacies and sweets were only on holidays. Such an attitude towards children showed that even if they were born into a rich and noble family, then this is not their merit. It was believed that the main thing is what you know and can do and what kind of soul you have. The royal family of Nicholas 2 is an example of a friendly, fruitful union of a husband, wife and their well-bred children.
The future emperor transferred such upbringing to his own family. From childhood, the daughters of the king knew what pain and suffering were, they knew how to help those who needed it. For example, the eldest daughters Olga and Maria, together with their mother, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, worked in military hospitals during the First World War. To do this, they took special medical courses and stood on their feet at the operating table for several hours.
At present, we know that the life of the king and his family is a constant fear for his life, for his family and for everything, above all, great responsibility, care and concern for the whole people. And the "profession" of the tsar is ungrateful and dangerous, which is confirmed by the history of the Russian state. The royal family of Nicholas 2 became the standard of marital fidelity for many years.
Head of the Imperial Family
Nicholas 2 himself was the last and it ended the reign of Russia of the House of Romanov. He was the eldest son in the family, and his parents were Emperor Alexander 3 and Maria Feodorovna Romanov. After the tragic death of his grandfather, he became the heir to the Russian throne. Nicholas 2 had a calm character, was distinguished by great religiosity, grew up as a shy and thoughtful boy. However, at the right time, he was always firm and persistent in his intentions and actions.
Empress and mother of the family
The daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse-Drmstadt Ludwig became the wife of the Russian Emperor Nicholas 2, and her mother was the princess of England. The future Empress was born on June 7, 1872 in Darmstadt. Her parents named her Alix and gave her a true English upbringing. The girl was born the sixth in a row, but this did not prevent her from becoming a well-mannered and worthy successor to the English family, because her own grandmother was Queen Victoria of England. The future empress had a balanced character and was very shy. Despite her noble origin, she led a Spartan lifestyle, took a bath in the morning with cold water and spent the night on a hard bed.
Favorite children of the royal family
The first child in the family of Emperor Nicholas II and his wife Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was daughter Olga. She was born in 1895 in the month of November and became the favorite child of her parents. Grand Duchess Romanova was very smart, affable and distinguished by great abilities in the study of all kinds of sciences. She was distinguished by sincerity and generosity, and her Christian soul was pure and fair. The beginning of the reign of Nicholas 2 was marked by the birth of the first child.
The second child of Nicholas 2 was the daughter Tatyana, who was born on June 11, 1897. Outwardly, she resembled her mother, but her character was that of her father. She had a strong sense of duty and liked order in everything. Grand Duchess Tatyana Nikolaevna Romanova embroidered and sewed well, had common sense and remained herself in all life situations.
The next and, accordingly, the third child of the emperor and empress was another daughter, Maria. She was born on June 27, 1899. The Grand Duchess differed from her sisters in good nature, friendliness and cheerfulness. She had a beautiful appearance and had a great life force. She was very attached to her parents and loved them madly.
The sovereign was looking forward to his son, but the girl Anastasia again became the fourth child in the royal family. The emperor loved her like all his daughters. Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna Romanova was born on June 18, 1901 and was very similar in character to a boy. She turned out to be a smart and frisky child, she loved to play pranks and had a cheerful disposition.
On August 12, 1904, the long-awaited heir was born into the imperial family. The boy was named Alexei, in honor of the great great-grandfather Alexei Mikhailovich Romanov. The Tsarevich inherited all the best from his father and mother. He dearly loved his parents, and Father Nikolai 2 was a real idol for him, he always tried to imitate him.
Accession to the throne
May 1896 was marked by major event- The coronation of Nicholas 2 took place in Moscow. This was the last such event: the tsar was the last not only in the Romanov dynasty, but also in the history of the Russian Empire. Ironically, it was this coronation that became the most majestic and luxurious. Thus began the reign of Nicholas 2. On the most important occasion, the city was decorated with colorful illuminations that had just appeared at that time. According to eyewitnesses, there was literally a “sea of fire” at the event.
Representatives of all countries gathered in the capital of the Russian Empire. From heads of state to ordinary people, representatives of every class were at the inauguration ceremony. In order to capture this significant day in colors, venerable artists came to Moscow: Serov, Ryabushkin, Vasnetsov, Repin, Nesterov and others. The coronation of Nicholas 2 was a real holiday for the Russian people.
The last coin of the empire
Numismatics is a truly interesting science. She studies not just coins and banknotes of different states and eras. In the collections of the largest numismatists one can trace the history of the country, its economic, political and social changes. So the chervonets of Nicholas 2 became a legendary coin.
The first time it was issued in 1911, and in the future, the Mint minted chervonets every year in huge circulations. The denomination of the coin was 10 rubles and was made of gold. It would seem, why is this money so attracts the attention of numismatists and historians? The catch is that the number of issued and minted coins was limited. And, therefore, it makes sense to compete for the coveted gold piece. There were far more of them than the mint claimed. But, unfortunately, among the large number of fakes and "imposters" it is difficult to find a genuine coin.
Why does the coin have so many “doubles”? There is an opinion that someone was able to take the front and back stamps out of the mint and hand them over to counterfeiters. Historians argue that it could be either Kolchak, who "minted" a lot of gold coins to undermine the country's economy, or the Soviet government, which tried to pay off Western partners with this money. It is known that for a long time Western countries did not recognize new power in earnest and continued to pay off Russian gold pieces. Also, the mass production of counterfeit coins could be carried out much later, and from low-quality gold.
Foreign policy of Nicholas 2
During the reign of the emperor, there were two major military companies. On the Far East Russian state clashed with an aggressive Japan. In 1904, the Russo-Japanese War began, which was supposed to distract the common people from the socio-economic problems of the state. The largest hostilities took place near the fortress of Port Arthur, which surrendered in December 1904. Near Mukend, the Russian army lost the battle in February 1905. And off the island of Tsushima in May 1905, the Russian fleet was defeated and completely sunk. The Russo-Japanese Military Company ended with the signing of peace agreements in Portsmouth in August 1905, according to which Korea and the southern part of Sakhalin Island were ceded to Japan.
World War I
In the city of Sarajevo in Bosnia, the heir to the Austrian throne F. Ferdinand was killed, which was the reason for the start of the First World War in 1914 between tripartite alliance and Entente. The states included Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. And the Entente included Russia, England and France.
The main hostilities took place in Western front in 1914. On the Eastern Front, Austria-Hungary was defeated by Russian army was close to capitulation. But Germany helped Austria-Hungary survive and continue its offensive against Russia.
Again, Germany went against Russia in the spring and summer of 1915, seizing Poland, part of the Baltic states, part of Western Belarus and Ukraine during this offensive. And in 1916, German troops struck the main blow on the Western Front. In turn, Russian troops broke through the front and defeated Austrian army, General A.A. led the military operations. Brusilov.
The foreign policy of Nicholas 2 led to the fact that the Russian state was economically exhausted by a long war, political problems were also ripe. The deputies did not hide the fact that they were not satisfied with the policy pursued by the ruling power. was never resolved, and the Patriotic War only aggravated it. By signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on March 5, 1918, Russia ended the war.
Summing up
You can talk about the fate of the rulers for a long time. The results of the reign of Nicholas 2 are as follows: Russia experienced a colossal leap in economic development, as well as increasing political and social contradictions. During the reign of the emperor, there were two revolutions at once, the last of which became decisive. Large-scale transformations in relations with other countries led to the fact that the Russian Empire increased its influence in the east. The reign of Nicholas 2 was extremely controversial. Perhaps that is why it was in those years that events took place that led to a change in the political system.
You can discuss for a long time, the emperor had to do one way or another. Historians still do not agree on who the last emperor of the Russian Empire was - a great autocrat or the death of statehood. The era of the reign of Nicholas 2 is a very difficult time for the Russian Empire, but at the same time remarkable and fateful.
And this catastrophe came in the reign of Nicholas II. It is extremely important for us to find out whether the Russian Empire could have avoided the catastrophe under Nicholas II? To do this, we will analyze not only “what was being done, but also the ability and level of preparedness of Nicholas II himself and his entourage. The “Tsar-Peacemaker” died on October 20, 1894. Nicholas II was 26 years old at that time. his command of a battalion in the Preobrazhensky Regiment. Soon he should if if was to receive command of the regiment and the rank of general. But due to the tragic death of his father, he received vast Russia in control. Considering Nicholas II too young, Alexander III did not initiate him into state affairs, believing That is why time will be given for this. Therefore, Nicholas II was not prepared for state administration. Now everything depended on the abilities of Nicholas II himself, the preparedness and abilities of his assistants.
Nicholas II, by his nature, was not like his father. Having received a church-parish and gymnasium education, he became a deeply religious person and a good family man. To this was added a good upbringing for those times. He could win over people with a cordial attitude, courtesy, shyness and modesty. Modesty and shyness did not allow him to tell people unpleasant things directly to their eyes, so he often looked insincere and secretive. These same qualities revealed in him weakness of will and indecision, which were also based on a poor knowledge of state and military affairs. At the same time, due to his deep religiosity, he was a suggestible person. And then, when those around him managed to convince him of something, he became stubborn, strove to insist on his own, which was precisely what various scoundrels dug in at court used.
These qualities were aggravated over time by the development of faith into religious mysticism. The first step on this path was the acquaintance of Nicholas II with the predictions of the prophetic Abel, which Paul I ordered to read to his descendant-heir 100 years after his death. In the prediction of Abel, in particular, it was said: “He will replace the royal crown with a crown of thorns. He will be betrayed by his people, as once the Son of God. The war will be great, world ... On the eve of victory, the royal throne will collapse. Blood and tears will water the damp earth. A peasant with an ax will take power in madness, and truly the Egyptian execution will come.
These words constantly sounded in his ears, paralyzing the will whenever it was necessary to act decisively and firmly. Having become a hostage of religious mysticism, he sought to avoid any war. As a result, his actions ran counter to the development of the international situation, and therefore they did not eliminate the threat of war, but brought it closer. Moreover, they brought such a war closer, for which, first of all, the autocracy itself was not ready. Russia became a hostage to this unpreparedness. It should also be noted here that Abel also predicted that Alexander I would leave the throne and leave to atone for his sins.
The second step on his path to religious mysticism was his acquaintance and collaboration with Rasputin. Under the influence of religious mysticism, he only before God considered himself responsible for the fate of the people he ruled. Therefore, he did not want to cede to anyone even a part of his rights and considered this cowardice. As a result, contradictory decisions were made in the administration of the state, running counter to the national-state interests of the country. Practically, the domestic and foreign policy of Russia, as in the time of Alexander I, was run by Masonic clans controlled from abroad. In essence, Nicholas II turned into a plaything of these clans. Such a person, of course, could not have a clear line and strategy of state administration, could not create an effective team to implement such a strategy, and therefore could not and could not withstand the growing catastrophe.
The situation was no better with his assistants. Alexander III carried everything on his heroic shoulders. The ministers were turned into obedient executors of his Destiny. They were little capable of independent creativity and, as a rule, did not have their own opinion. Therefore, with a few exceptions, they could not be qualified advisers. Close relatives could not become such advisers either. From birth, the grand dukes were destined for only one type of activity - the military. And although many of them had a penchant for civil sciences, art, diplomacy, family tradition forbade this, requiring only one military service. In the absence of military abilities among many grand dukes, this service turned into serving a hateful service, which, of course, constantly harmed the cause.
Some of the great princes, who had military abilities, also brought undoubted benefits. He did a lot of useful things for Russian artillery Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich. His son Sergei Mikhailovich paid much attention to artillery, and his brother Alexander Mikhailovich, in spite of general opposition, created the Russian air fleet. Nikolai Nikolayevich (the Younger) worked hard on the transformation of the cavalry. Konstantin Konstantinovich worked a lot on the development of military educational institutions, who left a bright memory among thousands of young officers.
However, the grand-ducal environment, having provided several prominent specialists in certain branches of military affairs, and even more amateurs, did not put forward a single state mind on which Nicholas II could rely. The reason for this is the inert system of education and the organization of the preparation of the grand dukes for the performance of state duties. As for the rest of the higher dignitaries, L. Kresnovsky spoke very well about them: In the highest Petersburg society, Pobedonostsev's henchmen, and especially Witte, were called nothing more than in the French dialect: "Les prokhvostjs." At best, they were honest routinists, “people of the 20th”, at worst, they were full of shameless careerism. This latter type has become predominant since the 900s.
It was, of course, impossible for such a tsar, with such assistants, to successfully manage Russia. The first among this host of careerists, of course, was S. Witte. In 1892 he was appointed Minister of Finance. Prior to that, he showed some organizational skills in the construction of railways. He replaced Vyshegradsky in this post, who created a new financial and credit system and prepared the monetary reform of 1896. Visegradsky also stood at the origins of the creation of labor legislation. In particular, the law on the liability of entrepreneurs for accidents, prepared by him, was adopted only in 1903. This law was criticized by Pobedonostsev in 1892; as a result, Visegradsky lost his post as finance minister. It was here that S. Witte appeared. Immensely ambitious and completely unprincipled, Witte was a typical representative of Freemasonry in Russia.
The financial and credit system of Visegradsky contributed to the accumulation of the country's gold reserves, which involved the introduction of hard currency. But he used the results of the works of Vyshegradsky Witte. When the country in 1896 accumulated 500 million rubles of gold reserves, the government began to sing a solid gold currency. The ruble has become the most reliable currency in the world. Further, using Alexander III's concern about the widespread drunkenness among the people, Witte in 1897 achieved the introduction of a wine monopoly, which increased the state budget by 1.3 times. All the main issues of introducing a wine monopoly were also worked out by Vyshegradsky. Witte again reaped the fruits of other people's labors.
This monopoly consisted in the fact that private breeders could produce raw alcohol, and only the state could rectify and sell alcohol and vodka products. From that moment on, Witte gained exceptional influence at court, which allowed him to harm Russia with impunity in the future. How he did this, we will see in the course of consideration of the external, internal and military policy Nicholas II.
Socio-economic policy, right up to the Russo-Japanese War, was implemented according to the patterns of Alexander Sh. A monetary reform was carried out, a wine monopoly was implemented, labor legislation was expanded, railways were bought out and built, coal mining, metal smelting, and production of cars increased. In this regard, everything was going well. What can not be said about all other areas of state activity. When Nikolai I ascended the throne, everyone hoped that he would follow the path of liberal reforms of his grandfather Alexander P. However, the liberal public miscalculated.
Shortly after accession on January 17, 1895, Nicholas II, in his speech addressed to the representatives of the Zemstvo, condemned their "meaningless dreams" of participating in state affairs and declared that he "would protect the beginnings of self-holding as firmly and unswervingly as he guarded them late parent." The tsar's refusal to carry out political reforms caused deep disappointment in the liberal circles of Russian society, pushed them to support the revolutionaries. Many public and zemstvo figures on / sowed that Nicholas II would return the morals taken away to the zemstvos Alexander III. But that did not happen. As a result, they went into opposition.
The growth of the working class spurred the growth of the labor movement. In addition, Nicholas II decided, without proper preparation and study of the issue, to accelerate the "Russification of the outskirts." This caused some "foreigners" not only dissatisfaction, but also the growth of separatist sentiments. Foreign Jewish-Masonic centers followed the development of events very closely, in the hope of leading the opposition and revolutionary movement in Russia. It was at this time that a Jewish-Masonic center was created in the United States to lead the opposition and revolutionary movement in Russia. Since then, activities revolutionary organizations become more organized and focused.
In 1895, the Social Democratic League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class was created. In 1898, nine representatives of this revolutionary organization: Vannovsky, Radchvnko. Tuichansky, Vigdorchik, Eidelman, Kremer, Mutnik, Petrusevich and Kai (mostly Jews) founded the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) in Minsk, which set itself the task of overthrowing the autocracy and replacing it with a democratic republic.
In 1901, the party of socialist revolutionaries (SRs) was created. They also set themselves the task of overthrowing the autocracy and replacing it with a democratic republic. But unlike the Social Democrats, who relied on the working class and the preparation of the revolution, the Socialist-Revolutionaries relied on the peasants, on the rural community, considering it the prototype of a socialist society, as well as on individual terror. To do this, a secret military organization was created within the party. The Socialist-Revolutionary Party was also led by Jews. The Socialist-Revolutionaries were not subject to any ideology, except for party discipline and the task of overthrowing the autocracy. The Social Democrats had to be consistently guided by the teachings of Karl Marx.
Both of these parties received financial support from abroad. Thus, international Jewish-Masonic organizations, in addition to Freemasons among high dignitaries and liberals, received organizations under their control among the working class and peasantry. Thus, a united front of the struggle against the autocracy of high-ranking Freemasonry, liberals, separatists and revolutionaries, who already relied on the working class and part of the peasantry, was built.
The international position of Russia at the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II was stable. The alliance between Russia and France, to a certain extent, balanced the balance of power in Europe. Moreover, it made it possible to seriously strengthen Russia's position in the Balkans. At the end of the 19th century, Turkey was in a state of complete decay, as a result of which, in 1896, the beating of Armenians began in front of foreign ambassadors in Constantinople. The Russian ambassador Nelidov believed that the moment had come for the capture of the Bosphorus. This he proposed to Nicholas II. War Minister Vannovsky and Chief of the General Staff Obruchev supported him.
However, Finance Minister Witte, following the will of his British and American masters, spoke out categorically against it. He declared that this undertaking threatened to lead to a European war. It was, of course, a bluff. But this bluff was often skillfully used by the Freemasons to enforce their own policies. After an exchange of views, Nicholas II supported the ambassador's proposal. To fulfill the planned plan, preparations for the landing force began in Odessa and Sevastopol. According to Nelidov's telegram, our naval detachment was to move towards the Bosphorus. At this time, Witte attracted Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich and Pobedonostsev to counter this operation. Nicholas II, under their incompetent pressure, changed his mind. This was the first major case when Witte shat Russia.
Before Nelidov had time to return to Constantinople, he received a telegram from Nicholas II canceling the planned operation. Thus, the successfully developed situation in Turkey, which ensured the capture of the Bosphorus and the strengthening of Russia's influence in the Balkans, was not used. This incident showed that the young tsar was completely unaware of military-political issues, was not able to independently and correctly assess the situation, much less make an expedient decision, which made him a hostage to unqualified opinions and hostile intrigues.
At the same time, Wilhelm II, wishing to establish German hegemony in Europe, decided, by all means, to destroy the alliance between Russia and France. To do this, he developed a chimerical plan, according to which Germany was to join the alliance of Russia and France. If successful in creating a union of Germany. Russia and France, loomed hope for the crushing of the "mistress of the seas" - England and the establishment of world domination of Germany. Therefore, after the coronation of Nicholas II, Wilhelm II took active steps to process it.
He quickly managed to persuade Nicholas II to his side. From that moment on, Russian foreign policy came under greater German influence. However, what was easily done with Nicholas II ran into an insurmountable obstacle in France. They did not forget the terrible defeat of 1870 and longed for revenge. Therefore, any attempts by Germany to get closer to France met with fierce resistance from revanchists. It even came to the resignation of French Foreign Minister Vertelo (a well-known scientist), who did not want to "plunge France into German slavery." Thus, Wilhelm's plan 11 was his chimera, impossible from the outset.
However, Wilhelm II believed in the realization of this chimera for a long time, as a result of which he became its hostage. This did not allow him to take advantage of the prevailing international situation, when the Russo-Japanese war began, and deliver a mortal blow to France. Schlieffen, Chief of the General Staff of Germany, insisted on this blow, but Wilhelm II did not listen to him and Schlieffen was forced to resign. Pushing Nicholas II to take active steps in the Far East made sense for Germany. But. Wilhelm II was unable to free himself from the chimera he invented himself, and for the second time missed the opportunity to establish German hegemony in Europe. All this was dear to Germany, and to Wilhelm II himself.
But Nicholas II did not act in the best way. He created his own chimera. Good relations with Germany untied the hands of Russia in the Far East. This, of course, had to be used and resolutely strengthen their position there. However, the fear of a big war pushed him in 1897 to conclude a formal treaty of alliance with France, which made Russia a hostage to her revanchist aspirations, and then, in a fit of peacekeeping sentiments, he decided to turn to the peoples of the whole world with a proposal: “Put a limit to continuous armaments and find means to prevent the misfortunes that threaten the whole world.
This pacifist initiative was made public on August 12, 1889. At that time, only Nicholas II himself believed in this idea of \u200b\u200bXX. Everyone else greeted her with wariness and hostility. In an age when everything was decided by force, this was nonsense, as a result of which its inventor inevitably fell into a catastrophic situation. However, Nicholas II continued to persist, as a result, in June 1900, an international conference was convened in The Hague. This conference did not stop the arms race and adopted only a number of minor decisions. Those who signed the documents of this conference, except for Nicholas II, covered themselves with them in order to covertly launch an even greater arms race.
Peacemaking and chimerism in foreign policy soon played a cruel joke with Nicholas II. Carried away by peacekeeping actions, he did nothing significant to strengthen Russia's position in the Far East. In addition, in Far Eastern affairs, he completely relied on Witte, who now ran not only finances, but also Far Eastern politics. But before touching on this policy, it is necessary to at least briefly consider the development of the international situation in the Far East.
Japan, having survived the bourgeois reformation in the middle of the 19th century, began to develop rapidly economically. Soon she needed sources of raw materials and markets. Therefore, Japanese capital was looking longingly towards China, hatching plans for tearing away part of the territory from it. Relations deteriorated so much that in 1894 war broke out between Japan and China. Fearing that Japan might transfer military operations to Russian territories, the government of Nicholas II moved a small detachment from Vladivostok to Hirsh near the Chinese border. Due to the lack of railways, the detachment moved for a long time and reached its destination when fighting have already ended.
Having defeated China, the Japanese occupied the entire Liaodong Peninsula and Port Arthur. At the conclusion of the peace treaty, Japan, among other things, demanded that this peninsula be annexed to Japan. The seizure by Japan of territories on the mainland, in close proximity to the possessions of Russia, posed a great threat to its interests in the Far East, since the appetites of Japanese capital and military circles went far beyond the Liaodong Peninsula. In this regard, the government of Nicholas II decided to impede the claims of Japan.
Having enlisted the support of Germany and France, it presented Japan with an ultimatum, which stated that Russia would not allow violations of the principle of integrity and indivisibility of the Chinese Empire. Japan was forced to agree to Russia's demands, but in return for the Liaodong Peninsula, it demanded a significant indemnity. Russia, in addition, helped China obtain a loan by giving its guarantees for it. To implement the loan, the Russian-Chinese Bank was founded.
By this time, the Trans-Siberian Railway had been built up to Transbaikalia. The question arose, how to proceed with the construction of the road further? It was possible to build along the Amur, making a big detour. But it was more tempting to build through Northern Manchuria, that is, through Chinese territory. The government of Nicholas II decided to seek the implementation of the construction of the railway through Northern Manchuria. When a prominent figure arrived at the coronation of Nicholas II statesman China Li-Hung-Chan, negotiations were held with him, which ended with the signing of a secret treaty.
Under this agreement, China allowed Russia: to build a railway on its territory in order to connect Chita and Vladivostok by a direct route; the construction and management of the railway was to be entrusted to a private society; this society was assigned the right-of-way necessary for the operation of this road; in this lane, the society could have its own police to guard the road. Simultaneously with this agreement, Russia pledged to protect Chinese territory from aggressive actions by Japan.
At the same time, an agreement was concluded with Japan, according to which Russia and Japan divided spheres of influence in Korea between them. Prior to the Sino-Japanese War, Korea was an autonomous province of China. After this war, it was declared an independent state. Russia in Korea could have its own official adviser to the Korean emperor, as well as military instructors and several hundred soldiers. Japan could have commercial and industrial societies in Korea and conduct trade. Thus, there was a division of spheres of influence in the Far East, and not without benefit for Russia.
However, Wilhelm II soon intervened in Far Eastern affairs, who stated that he needed the Chinese port of Ki-ao-Chao, Nicholas II, already under the influence of Wilhelm II, could not refuse him. German diplomacy concocted a pretext that the murder of German missionaries was allegedly committed in this port, and German ships entered the port of Kiao-Chao (Tzin-Tau). Thus, Russia was confronted with the fact that any European power or the United States could occupy Port Arthur and gain a foothold on the Liaodong Peninsula. In November 1897, a special meeting was held, chaired by Nicholas II, at which the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Muravyov, proposed to occupy Port Arthur and Da-lian-van.
This proposal was supported by the Minister of War, General Vannovsky, whose strategic eye must be given credit. Speak out against Muravyov's proposal;! Witte, who, at the same time, was for the construction of the railway. Most likely, he wanted to warm his hands on this construction site. His position shows that either Witte did not understand that the occupation of Port Arthur by another state automatically led to the expulsion of Russia from Manchuria, or acted in full accordance with the plans of the American Jewish-Masonic circles, who intended to lock Russia in Primorye. They are serious it was feared that Russia, having gained a foothold in the Far East, might demand the return of Alaska in a number of years.Everything indicates that Witte was aware of these plans and did everything to implement them.
Nicholas II agreed with Witte's unfounded arguments. However, some time after the meeting, Muravyov reported to the tsar that near Port Arthur the cruiser was being supported by English ships, which, apparently, wanted to enter these ports. Nicholas II was forced to give an order to send a squadron with troops there. Russian ships entered Port Arthur Bay, and the Russian government offered China to lease a certain region to Russia, along with Port Arthur and Da-lian-wai, for 25 years. In March 1898, between the representatives of China, Li-Hung-Chang and Chang-Ying-Hua-n, and the attorney of Russia, an agreement was signed, according to which China ceded to Russia a certain area on lease to Quantum and allowed to connect the ceded ports by rail with the Trans-Siberian Railway. Both Chinese received large gifts: Li-Hung-Chan 500 thousand rubles, and Chap-In-Huan 250 thousand rubles. It was, no doubt, a major success for Russia in the Far East, the only and last in the reign of Nicholas II. Moreover, it was achieved thanks to the activities of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Muravyov and the Minister of War Vannovsky who supported him.
Other powers immediately reacted to the occupation of Port Arthur. England captured Wan-ha-wei, France occupied Kwanchau. Italy also demanded a series of concessions, which China was forced to accept. Japan laid claim to Korea. The occupation of Manchuria and the Liaodong Peninsula aroused resentment and anger towards Russia in Japan. In order to reassure the Japanese and avoid an armed clash with them, an agreement was signed in April under which Russia recognized their dominant influence in Korea. The seizure of Chinese lands aroused in the Chinese people a heightened sense of national dignity and hatred for Europeans.
As a result of this, in 1898, a "Boxer" uprising began, which was suppressed by the Yulko in 1900 with the active participation of Russian troops. In this howl, General Liievich distinguished himself. His troops took Beijing and freed the besieged foreign embassies. It would seem that everyone received their share of the booty and should have calmed down. However, this was not the case in Japan. Having taken possession of Korea, Japan did not stop there, and could not stop there. She led an active policy of ousting Russia from Manchuria and preparing for war.
The "Boxing" uprising in China, indignation and anger at Russia in Japan, clearly showed that the threat of war in the Far East for Russia had not been removed. Under these conditions, it was necessary to take active measures to consolidate Russia's diplomatic success. What was done and what needed to be done specifically to secure Manchuria for Russia? The deployment of the Pacific squadron in Port Arthur could scare only a weak enemy, who, moreover, was not versed in strategy. The fact is that the Russian Pacific squadron, in the event of a war in the land theater of operations, was trapped. From land, it was blocked by enemy ground forces, and from the sea by its fleet.
Consequently, the main forces of the Pacific squadron, primarily its armored forces, were to be located in Vladivostok, and only part of the cruising and destroyer forces in Port Arthur. Because of the fear of blocking Port Arthur from land, it was necessary to deploy and complete the construction of fortifications as soon as possible. How this was done, we will see below. In addition, and this is the most important thing, it was necessary to deploy in Manchuria enough combat-ready formations of the ground forces to prevent the blockade of Port Arthur from land. How this was done, we will also see below.
It was also necessary to think about the future of Manchuria. The construction of railways there with Russian money could have been completely wasted and was lost, since this territory was not inhabited by people. In this regard, already in 1895-98, it was necessary to start implementing the reform that Stolypin proposed after the revolution of 1905-07. The construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway and the occupation of Manchuria directly pushed these reforms. But the autocracy was already incorrigibly late in solving the pressing problems of the country. Moreover, it was at this time that Nicholas II became fascinated with pacifist-peacemaking chimeras. Where was there to deal with the consolidation of Manchuria for Russia. He was so carried away by this idea of \u200b\u200bXX that he even sent the new Minister of War, General Kuropatkin, to Europe to explain his peacekeeping position to foreign governments. As a result, the entire Far Eastern policy was in the hands of Witte. Control over finances allowed him to turn this policy into a vulgar profanity.
Now is the time for us to tell how Witte's financial policy affected the combat capability of the army. General Kuropatkin, who assumed the duties of Minister of War on the first day of 1898, immediately encountered great difficulties in obtaining budgetary funds from the Minister of Finance Witte, who did not at all take into account the needs of the army. Financial resources for the maintenance of the armed forces were then approved for a 5-year period. Of the 455 million rubles requested by the former Minister of War Vannovsky, necessary for the maintenance of the armed forces in 1898-1903, the Minister of Finance Witte, naturally with the consent of Nicholas II, was released only 160 million rubles. That is - a little more than a third of the required amount.
As a result, the question arose, what to do with the army? There were two ways. The first is to drastically reduce the army. But the situation did not allow this (obligations to France). And the army was not large enough to go for it. We went the other way. They began to accustom the army to economic activity. That is, the construction of premises, uniforms, food began to be carried out in an economic way, "without expenses from the treasury." Expenses from the treasury mainly went to the purchase of weapons and the financial maintenance of military personnel. What could happen to the troops as a result of this economic activity?
A. Kresnovsky answers this question quite competently: “Regimental bakeries, regimental shoe shops, horseshoes, saddlers, carpentry and carpentry artels began to take away all the forces of the troops and all the attention of the commanders. The officers turned into artels and captains - there was no one to attend tactical classes.
The whole service - in particular company commanders - began to consist in all kinds of economic purchases, receptions, sorting, rejecting, checking various reports, unsubscribing countless papers and papers ... Kuropatkin's thriftiness took root in the Milyutinsky stationery paper industry. The system ""without expenses from the treasury" was introduced even under Vannovsky. Kuropatkin - himself a zealous and convinced "business executive" - developed it into pillars of Hercules ... The captain, who invented a new method of pickling cabbage, gained honorary fame in the division, regiment commander, whose porridge was cooked in fifteen different ways, was certified as “outstanding.” All thoughts and aspirations were directed to the non-combatant unit.
It all looks pretty funny if it didn't turn out so tragically sad. The characterization of A. Kres-novsky shows that the Russian army continued to roll towards the abyss. Under Alexander I, it lost its strategic eye; under Alexander II, its operational-strategic eye; at the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II, it began to lose its tactical eye. With unsatisfactory operational-strategic training of the highest and middle command personnel of the army, the loss of tactical skills also unambiguously led to disaster.
How low this level was, again, is eloquently described by A. Kresnovsky: “The system of large maneuvers was not left ... The experience of all these maneuvers was of no value and did not benefit either the military leaders or the troops ... Both sides were always of equal strength , were drawn up according to the same template and in the same proportion of types of weapons ... The mediators conducted a careful and painstaking calculation of the battalions - and the side that managed to concentrate hundreds at a given moment and at a given point one or two battalions more was invariably declared the winner. The commanders were woven with the conviction that in war everything is decided by quantity, command and control of troops is reduced to arithmetic, and the conclusion of this arithmetic is unchanged: "do not enter into battle with superior forces" ... Last days maneuvers (just the most instructive) usually crumpled, especially when the Sovereign was present. All the thoughts of the participants, from the general to the private, boiled down to one thing - how not to disgrace themselves at the royal review, and the forces of the troops were saved not for delivering the final decisive blow, but for a clear passage through the ceremonial march.
Unfortunately, our armed forces repeated this tragically sad experience, but already in the Soviet period, when in the 60-80s of the XX century, they were also forced to engage in economic activities and again missed the training of command personnel. What did it lead to... Afghanistan and two Chechen campaigns serve as a good example. The situation with the fleet was no better. It has already been said above that the armored forces were predominantly developed, to the detriment of the cruising, destroyer and coastal defense forces. But even these battleships, of which about 20 were built, could not be given a mind. The battleships were strong with their main caliber artillery. Therefore, accurate shooting at long ranges was to form the basis of the combat training of battleships. However, the arbiters of the fate of the imperial fleet did not think so.
Here is what L.F. Dobrotvorsky, a contemporary and participant in the Russian-Japanese war, who commanded the cruiser Oleg in the Tsushima battle, writes about this in his article “Lessons of the Naval War” in his article “Lessons of the Naval War”: “As you know, in our sea and land battles with the Japanese, we often of necessity, we had to conduct artillery combat at such vast distances for which our shells were not adapted, and therefore we had no physical opportunity to see what they were doing: hit or not hit, reach or not reach, whether they take to the right or to the left enemy, and consequently, we had nothing to correct the aiming of our guns. In these cases, we fired like blind men, at random, and therefore we were very suitable for those conditions when a gunner is never shown the direction of his bullets, or the number where they hit, or the shield itself. What will he know about his shooting? Absolutely nothing, even if he fired all his life! .. "
How bad the situation was is evidenced by the fact that guns that had the ability to fire at a distance of more than 15 miles had tables for firing and rangefinders that ensured this shooting at a distance of no more than 5 miles. And again, the word of L. F. Dobrot vors to whom: “For us, who think little, work poorly in our business and treat new inventions with complete distrust, it is always more pleasant to assume that our work is over, that we are using the last fruits of it, but not others say so...
When our luminaries were told that the Japanese were shooting from 12 versts, they laughingly answered: “Let them fool themselves even from 15 versts, we won’t interfere with them; And then we'll get them."
In naivete, we thought that they would only shoot and scare us for some time from 12 miles, but in the end they would come up for a real solution to the battle at a distance legalized by science and here they would severely pay off from our numerous large cannons and cruel armor-piercing shells with magnetic tips and protracted tubes specially invented for deploying any armor ...
Meanwhile, what is simpler: a projectile rushes with incredible speed for 15 or more miles, and they use it to harm the enemy up to only 5 miles. Why forgive this interval of 10 versts? The Japanese did not forgive! ...
For a long time they worked on their invention (at least eight years) and finally came up with such a projectile-mine, such a long-range sensitive grenade, which, firstly, due to the large amount of highly explosive (shimose) is equally terrible at all its distances from zero to limit, and, secondly, it pretends to be machinists in the shooting range, because during the explosion it gives a lot of thick smoke of different colors, which is why it is convenient for shooting at any distance from different types of guns or different types of ships: battleships, armored cruisers, light cruisers etc."
To this it must be added that the Japanese applied a number of inventions and methods of using ships and guns, which just provided them with superiority at sea over the Russian fleet. So, having a significant superiority in battleships, the 1st and 2nd Pacific squadrons turned out to be helpless in the fight against the Japanese fleet.
Things went even worse with the equipment of the Far Eastern theater of operations, primarily the construction of the fortifications of Port Arthur. When Colonel Engineer Velichko, the builder of Port A by the river of the fortress, presented an estimate for the construction of structures designed to protect against 11-inch caliber shells, Witte cut this estimate in half and ordered that the construction of structures designed for protection against 6-inch inch shells. But that's not all. Due to the constant delay in funding, the Port Arthur fortifications remained unfinished, which naturally had an extremely negative effect during the war.
Naturally, the question arises, where did the money not given to the army go? On the rented peninsula of Witte massacre l build a commercial port. This port caused obvious damage to Vladivostok and its port. But this topic is another conversation. The city of Dalniy was built, which many officers, with a large share of the foundation, called Superfluous. Witte looked at this construction as a matter of personal prestige and spared no expense. In Dalny, he even provided for the construction of a monumental Lutheran church in case German or Scandinavian ships would enter the port he had built. At the same time, no defensive structures were built there. This port could very easily be captured by small forces, which, in fact, was used by the Japanese. In this way. Far and his angel Witte killed Port Arthur.
What guided Witte when he limited the army in funds and built the city of Dalniy? Some have suggested that he was a Germanophile and allegedly worked for the Germans. Most likely, the Germanophilism of Vit re was ostentatious in order to be in the authority of Nicholas II. In fact, he worked for other masters. Through E. Blavatsky, whom we spoke about above, he was certainly connected with the Jewish-Masonic prices and the USA. And just for them, at an accelerated pace, with Russian money, he ruined the port of Dalniy and the railways in the south of Manchuria. At the same time, he deliberately weakened the army so that it could not protect everything built.
As a result of the activities of this "outstanding" scoundrel, Russia lost several tens of thousands of soldiers, an entire fleet, 3 billion rubles in gold, lost its great-power prestige and was plunged into severe internal upheavals. In this regard, Nicholas II looks no better, without whose consent this "outstanding" scoundrel could hardly have done anything. And if Witte did all this consciously, then Nicholas II did it out of his own stupidity. And Izmestiev elevated this scoundrel to the rank of a great statesman of Russia. A good historian who claims the right to write the truth about Russia.
This was the case shortly before the Russo-Japanese War. And they showed that neither the army nor the navy were ready for a serious war. In November 1901, a prominent Japanese statesman, Marquis Ito, came to St. Petersburg for negotiations. In essence, he offered Russia a mild ultimatum. The document handed over to him contained the following demands: Russia must cede to Japan full influence in Korea; Japan recognizes Russia's occupation of the Liaodong Peninsula and the construction of a railway to Port Arthur; Russia undertakes to withdraw its troops from Manchuria, leaving only the part necessary for the protection of the railway; Manchuria introduces an open door policy.
These demands clearly showed that Japan was already determined to solve the problem by force and would use all means to push Russia out of Manchuria. And then Nicholas II rushed about. Fear of war did not allow him to give a decisive answer. Negotiations dragged on and Ito left. Following him, counterproposals were sent, which Japan naturally left unanswered. In turn, she has already concluded an alliance with England, enlisted the support of the United States and launched large-scale preparations for war. Nicholas II urgently needed to take serious measures to increase the number of his troops in Manchuria. However, nothing significant has been done in this regard.
Two years have passed, the situation continued to heat up. In 1903, Nicholas II sent Minister of War Kuropatkin to visit Japan and established a governorship in the Far East, headed by Admiral Alekseev. Such a step meant one thing: that Nicholas II decided to intimidate the Japanese, using mainly the forces of the Pacific squadron. Kuropatkin, who visited the maneuvers of the Japanese army, did not find any serious danger from Japan. Therefore, when allocating financial resources requested by him for five years from 1904 to 1909 in the amount of 160 million rubles, only 7 million were allocated to the Far East.
In the middle of 1903, there were about 75 thousand soldiers and officers in the Far East. Of these, a significant part was distracted by the police service, since there were sorely lacking gendarmes and policemen. In the Russian Empire there were only 10 thousand gendarmes, while in France, which was almost 4 times inferior to Russia in population, there were 36 thousand gendarmes. In this regard, only 32 thousand people were deployed in Manchuria as part of the Zaamursky district of the border guards and the III Siberian Corps. And this at a time when the Japanese invasion army had already been brought to 150 thousand people. After mobilization, the Japanese army could have more than 500 thousand people. And although in January 1904, 90 thousand people were already concentrated in the Far East with 184 guns, this could not seriously change the situation. Time for the concentration of troops was lost.
With the mediocre combat capability of these troops, it was simply impossible to avoid a catastrophe. But even these meager actions, which Nicholas II took, met with fierce resistance from Witte. This was the reason for his resignation. However, the scoundrel had already done his job and could safely leave. Nevertheless, Nicholas II appointed him to the post of chairman of the committee of ministers. Radish horseradish is not sweeter. At this time, Japan's preparations for war with Russia were completed. On December 31, 1903, Japan demanded the withdrawal of Russian troops from Manchuria. Nicholas II did not even consider it necessary to answer. Then the Japanese government on January 24, 1904 informed him of the break in diplomatic relations.
Having received news of the break in diplomatic relations with Japan, Admiral Alekseev asked Nicholas II for permission to mobilize and introduce martial law. To this he was answered: "as far as possible, to continue the exchange of views with the Tokyo cabinet." The next day, Foreign Minister Count Lamzdorf telegraphed the viceroy that "the break in diplomatic relations with Japan does not at all mean war ..." But the Japanese looked at it differently. They cut off diplomatic relations with a very obvious goal: to start hostilities.
On the night of January 26-27, 1904, Japanese destroyers attacked our squadron on the Port Arthur roadstead. At this time, the Pacific squadron was divided. Most of it was in Port Arthur and included 7 battleships, 4 cruisers, 7 light cruisers, 25 destroyers and other ships. This unit could only be based on Port Arthur, which had a narrow entrance to the inner road. Ships could pass only but one. Plus, he was small. Ships could only sail at high tide. All this made it easier for the enemy to plan military operations. In addition, port facilities and docks were not completed, as a result of which it was impossible to repair ships.
These features of the raid and the readiness of port facilities clearly showed that the deployment of battleships and heavy cruisers in Port Arthur was inappropriate. However, no one had ever cared before. The forces based in Vladivostok could not provide any assistance due to the remoteness of Port Arthur. The Japanese were given the opportunity to beat the Pacific squadron, and then the entire Russian fleet in parts. To do this, the Japanese had 6 battleships, 8 cruisers and more destroyers and auxiliary ships than in Port Arthur. In addition, they had an extensive basing system.
The attack of the Japanese destroyers led to the loss of 2 battleships and 1 cruiser. On the same day, January 27, the Japanese fleet in the port of Chemulpo attacked the cruiser "Varyag" and the gunboat "Koreets", which took the fight and died heroically. With these successful actions, the Japanese secured superiority at sea and blocked the Russian squadron in Port Arthur. The awakening of Nicholas II from his lacifist-peacemaking, chimerical ideas was difficult. Waking up ruling circles The Russians looked around in confusion at the hostile world. Few friends were embarrassedly silent. But numerous enemies did not hide their joy, hatred and gloating.
Moreover, this hatred and gloating has already captured a significant part of the Russian public, who glorified congratulatory telegrams to Japanese generals. It would be surprising if it were the other way around, since this community was already led by international Jewish-Masonic circles, which threw huge amounts of money into unwinding opposition and revolutionary sentiments in Russia. Among them, the first place was occupied by the American Jewish-Masonic Center of J. Schiff, who spent a total of about 20 million dollars on the revolution in Russia. However, everyone knows who pays, he calls the music. And since the defeat at sea was followed by one defeat after another on land and again at sea, the music of the revolution did not fail to play out in Russia itself.
So no heroism of Russian soldiers, sailors and officers, shown in the battles for Port Arthur and during the battles at sea, could save Russia from defeat, since the military strategy of Nicholas II turned out to be absolutely untenable, and the operational-strategic leadership armed forces absolutely vicious. It should only be said that without this heroic resistance, the catastrophe would have been more terrible. Therefore, we must always remember with gratitude the heroes of that war. The first of them, of course, is General Kondratenko. Behind him are Gorbatovsky, Irman, Schwartz, Grigorovich, Essen,] (Erpiikiy, Zarubaev, Yudenich, Lechitsky, Lesh, Kolchak and thousands of other officers and soldiers who honorably fulfilled their military duty. It was their skill, perseverance and heroism prevented Japanese aggression in Primorye and up to Lake Baikal.
The Russian-Japanese war is in many ways similar to Afghanistan in 1979-89, when M. Gorbachev, carried away by chimerical pacifist-human values, surrendered Afghanistan and destroyed the USSR. Here you just need to keep in mind that Nicholas II at one time almost ruined the country out of stupidity, and M. Gorbachev acted consciously.
The outbreak of the revolution in Russia frightened Nicholas II and forced him to hastily seek peace, especially since an early victory over Japan was not expected. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger), who then headed the Council of Defense of Russia, believed that in order to push the Japanese across the Yalu River, it would take at least a year and 200-250 thousand reinforcements. However, this victory was not desired by the Jewish-Masonic circles of the United States, who decided to preempt the offensive of the Russian troops and at the end of June 1905 offered their mediation in concluding peace in the person of US President Theodore Roosevelt.
Nicholas II agreed to this mediation, putting Witte at the head of the delegation, not without reason believing that he would be able to quickly conclude peace. American circles understood that since Russia sent a delegation, and even with Witte known to them, it means that she would agree to any conditions (“it was more false with Japan, which was eager for acquisitions, and it already affected the interests of the United States. Therefore, Theodore Roosevelt began to put pressure on the Japanese and forced them to make concessions. Witte later turned this whole situation into his rehabilitation, declaring that it was he who turned T. Roosevelt against the Japanese.
On August 16, 1905, in Portsmouth, the USA, peace was concluded between Russia and Japan on the following conditions: both sides withdraw their troops from Manchuria; Russia recognizes Korea as a sphere of Japanese influence; Russia cedes to Japan the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula with Port Arthur and the railway to the Chang-Chun station and the southern part (up to the 50th parallel) of Sakhalin; Russia grants Japan the right to fish along the Russian shores of the Sea of Japan, the Sea of Okhotsk and the Bering Sea. In addition, Russia pays Japan the cost of maintaining Russian prisoners. After the publication of these terms of peace in Japan, the Japanese flew black flags and even began to unrest. This shows how far the appetites of Japanese capital and military circles extended.
At the same time in Russia, for the conclusion of this shameful peace. Witte was granted the title of count by Nicholas II, and the Russian "advanced" public rushed into the revolution only for another reason. This reason was as follows. Wigte, while in the United States, was not so much engaged in negotiations. how many received instructions from the same J. Schiff, who ordered to convey to Nicholas II that if the latter did not grant full rights to the Jews in Russia, then the revolution would become inevitable. The full rights of the Jews in Russia meant their equal rights with the "prevailing" class - the nobility. It was for these rights of the Jews that the Russian "advanced" public fought in the revolution of 1905-07, which, due to misunderstanding or malicious intent, official historians call the first Russian revolution.
Naturally, a plan for granting these rights was also agreed there. Returning from the United States, Witte on October 9 submitted a note to Nicholas II in which he outlined a plan to calm the country, and on October 13 he was appointed chairman of the Council of Ministers and began to implement this plan. On October 17, Nicholas II approved Witte's note and signed the Manifesto prepared by him, which declared the unshakable foundations of civil freedom: a) freedom of conscience, speech, assembly, unions, inviolability of the person and home; b) the right to participate in the State Duma of representatives of all classes; c) the State Duma is granted legislative rights and the right to oversee the legality of government actions.
But this manifesto did not reassure the public, as it was already eager for power. This manifesto only added fuel to the fire. Actually, its compilers counted on this. Revolutionary uprisings continued to spread. Witte was inactive. Then the Minister of the Interior, P. Durnovo, turned directly to Nicholas II and declared that it was no longer possible to wait. Nicholas II ordered to begin active operations to suppress the revolution. In November, active actions of power structures began to suppress revolutionary organizations and unrest in cities and rural areas. The revolutionary uprisings were on the wane. However, the actions of the authorities in many cases were blocked by Witte.
Moreover, he continued to promote the revolutionary movement through the issuance of a number of very important decrees and laws. On October 22, 1905, the Finnish constitution was restored. From that moment on, Finland became a stronghold of the revolutionaries in the fight against the autocracy, which was located near the capital of Russia. On November 27, 1905, "provisional rules" on the press were issued, abolishing preliminary censorship and the right to impose administrative penalties on the organs of the periodical press; responsibility "for criminal acts committed by means of the press" was now determined "by judicial procedure."
On December 2, 1905, a decree was issued on the impunity of strikes "in enterprises of public or state importance."
On March 4, 1906, provisional rules on societies and unions are adopted; they were supposed to be created "without asking for permission from the government authorities", but they were required to register and submit the charter of the local administration. On the same day, provisional rules on public meetings were issued. They had to be arranged with the knowledge and under the supervision of the police, which, naturally, no one wanted to inform.
On March 8, 1906, rules were issued on the procedure for considering the state budget by legislative institutions.
It became clear even to Nicholas II that it was dangerous to leave Witte on as chairman of the Council of Ministers. On April 24, 1906, Witte was replaced by Goremyk with another. Instead of Durnovo, Saratov Governor P. Stolypin was appointed. The publication of the manifesto on October 17, 1905 and the establishment of the State Duma in a country where the majority political parties was in opposition to the autocracy, it could not bring anything good. On April 27, 1906, Nicholas II solemnly opened the first meeting of the State Duma. Naturally, the opposition majority put forward demands that could not be accepted by the government.
In particular, they demanded that: the ministries be accountable to the State Duma; the State Council was abolished; an amnesty was granted to all those convicted of political crimes; compulsory alienation of all privately owned lands was ensured. When the government refused these demands, the State Duma demanded his resignation. At the same time, Deputy Nabokov even declared: "Let the executive power submit to the legislative." Since that time, the "war" of the State Duma with the government began. On July 8, 1906, the government dissolved the State Duma of the first convocation and called new elections.
With the dissolution of the State Duma, Nicholas II appointed P. Stolypin to the post of prime minister instead of Goremykin, retaining the post of interior minister. At this time, 180 members of the dissolved State Duma gathered in Vyborg (Finland) and addressed the population with an appeal in which they urged them not to pay taxes and not to give recruits to the army. Yes, thanks to Witte. Finland has become a pillar revolutionary movement. As a result, riots began again in Sveaborg, Kronstadt and on the cruiser "Memory of Azov". An attempt was made to hold a general strike in Moscow. Revolutionary terror assumed a wide scope. In the past two years, military riots, killings of officials and police officers, attacks and robberies have occurred almost continuously.
Upon taking the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers, P. Stolypin outlined the government's program of action, which boiled down to the following: "... by exerting all the strength of the state, follow the path of construction in order to create a new stable order based on legality and reasonably understood freedom." In this regard, it was supposed to implement the following measures and adopt legislative acts.
1. On land use and land management.
2. On the replacement of temporary rules on meetings, unions and the press with permanent legal provisions.
3. About freedom of religion.
4. On the inviolability of the person and civil equality.
5. About improving the life of workers and their state insurance.
6. On the reform of local self-government.
7. On the introduction of zemstvo self-government in the Baltic States, as well as in the North and South-Western Territories.
8. On the introduction of zemstvo and city self-government in the provinces of the Kingdom of Poland.
9. On the transformation of local courts.
10. About reforms of average and higher school.
11. About income tax.
12. About the police reform directed to consolidation of police and gendarmerie.
13. About measures of exclusive protection public order and public peace.
14. About convocation of the All-Russian local church council.
15. On countering revolutionary and, above all, terrorist activities.
16. About removing restrictions on Jews, since these restrictions were used by the most powerful American Jewish center for anti-Russian and revolutionary propaganda.
If you look closely at these measures, you will find that they are ambiguous and contradictory, and therefore were not effective enough to restore order in the country. Attention is drawn to that glance at the Jewish-Masonic public opinion, which is nothing good country did not carry. Here the old practice prevailed: “what will they say about the pass in Europe?” And although harsh measures were taken to suppress revolutionaries and terrorists, they hardly changed public opinion in Russia. On August 25, 1906, courts-martial were established, according to which 683 terrorists were executed in 1906. While they themselves killed 768 and wounded 820 government officials.
On February 20, 1907, the first meeting of the State Duma of the second convocation took place. It included 65 Social Democrats, 34 Socialist-Revolutionaries, 101 Trudoviks, 14 People's Socialists, 92 Cadets, 31 Muslims, 47 Poles, 17 Cossacks, 32 Octobrists and moderates, 22 Rightists, 50 -non-partisans. The composition of this State Duma clearly showed that there were almost no supporters of the authorities. Thus, the autocracy missed the most important issue, namely the issue of party building, while there were prerequisites for the formation of pro-government parties. During the revolution of 1905-07, the “Union of the Russian People” appeared and proved itself, at the origins of which, among others, was the Russian scientist D. Mendeleev.
This organization, if desired by the government, could well be transformed into a respectable sovereign party. Starting the peasant reform, it was necessary to create a peasant party. Finally, in contrast to the foreigners who had their own representation, it was necessary to create a Russian party. On the basis of the creation of these parties, it was possible to launch counter-offensive propaganda against both external and internal enemies and decisively lead the matter towards uniting, above all, the Russian people. But autocracy was already incapable of this. And he had to fight off the pressing opposition. It was then that the famous words of P. Stolypin were heard: “Do not intimidate!” and “You need great upheavals, we need Great Russia!
Thus, the autocracy had only one lever left - the administrative one, which it could still use. On June 3, 1907, the State Share Duma of the second convocation was dissolved and new elections were scheduled. A new electoral law was put into effect, according to which representation from the outskirts (Poland and the Caucasus) was greatly reduced, Central Asia was generally deprived of representation. The predominance of landowners over other strata was established. In the fall of 1907, elections were held to the State Duma of the third convocation. As a result, it turned out: 50 - right, 7 - moderate right, 26 - nationalists, 154 - Octobrists. 28 - progressives. 54 - Cadets, 13 Trudoviks, 20 - Social Democrats, 18 - Poles and Lithuanians, 8 - Muslims.
It seemed that the government had won the majority it wanted, and at first it had succeeded in passing a number of laws.
However, the program settings of the pro-government parties soon came into conflict with the policy statements of P. Stolypin. The State Duma split into two camps: right and left. Both those and others turned out to be in opposition to P. Stolypin. The left considered him a conservative and a nationalist. The right is a liberal and a constitutionalist who makes concessions to the left. It was precisely here that the inability of P. Stolypin himself to develop party building made itself felt. His reckless initiative to go easy on the Jews played a big role.
By 1911, he was no longer needed by the right, as he continued to persist in his initiatives. The left did not need it before either. Thus, his departure was a foregone conclusion. As for his murder, it was undoubtedly organized by the rightists, who used the police department for their own purposes. In turn, the security department of the police attracted revolutionaries to kill P. Stolypin. This murder was committed by the Jew Mord ko Bagrov on September 1, 1911 in the Kiev Opera House, during his visit by Nikolai I. Thus, none of P. Stolypin's program statements was fully implemented. Yes, and it could not be implemented, since many of them contradicted each other and did not have serious support in society. And the organization of this support was nowhere worse.
The fate of P. Stolypin very clearly shows that a political and statesman must correctly represent the alignment of forces in society and its ability to accept certain reforms. And also be able to ensure their support from a significant part of society, primarily by creating capable political structures. And if we compare with the present, B. Yeltsin acted in much the same way as P. Stolypin. He did not know much about what the majority of society wanted, and did not bother with the problems of organizing support for this majority. It is no coincidence that under him discord in society reached its climax. With his departure, attention was paid to the unification of society and the creation of pro-presidential parties.
However, the unity that exists now in the face of the centrist parties is rather the unity of some economic and regional clans. But this is an opportunistic unity that can easily be destroyed if the situation becomes more complicated. On the whole, the split in society persists. This happens because the basic component of lasting unity - the Russian people is currently withdrawn from political life. Which just points to the ephemeral nature of the unity that is now being demonstrated. And those anti-state forces that, after some time, will stake on the Russian people, will very easily be able to split this unity and achieve their far-reaching goals, as happened at the beginning of the 20th century.
In this connection, it is quite appropriate to characterize the policy of Witte and Stolypin as a whole. It must be said here that Wigge's policy was more useless than Stolypin's. The policy of the autocracy as interpreted by Witte absolutely neglected the Russian national movement, completely capitulated to the international Jewish-Masonic centers and flirted with the revolutionaries. The same policy, as interpreted by Stolypin, scorned the Russian national movement, suppressed the revolutionaries and flirted with the international Jewish-Masonic centers. While the national-state interests of the country required reliance on the Russian national movement, decisive suppression of revolutionaries and separatists, consistent, firm and persistent deliverance from Jewish-masolne influence in the socio-political, educational and economic fields. As historical experience shows, the autocracy was no longer capable of this.
As a result, the internal position of Russia, on the eve of the First World War, was contradictory. Economically, the country developed successfully. From 1904 to 1913 the length of railways increased from 60,000 to 70,000 versts. Cast iron smelting from 152 million poods to 283 million poods. Extraction of coal from 798 million poods to 2 billion poods. turnover foreign trade from 1683 million rubles to 2894 million rubles. The export of bread amounted to 750 million poods. The number of workers grew from 2 million to 5 million. The state budget amounted to 3 billion rubles.
The population's deposits in savings banks have grown from 300 million rubles to 2 billion rubles over 20 years. Consumer and credit cooperation developed intensively. About 22 thousand cooperatives were created, most of which were rural, making it easier for the peasants to purchase machines and market their products. Energetic activity was launched by the Union of Siberian oil-pressing artels, which exported oil abroad. Public education has been greatly developed. Over the decade, spending on education has been increased by 3.5 times.
Socially, however, things were different. Society was split into right and left. The gap between them continued to grow. In 1908-10, a wave of student strikes swept through. In April 1912, the striking workers of the Lena gold mines were shot. About 200 people were killed and over 200 wounded. This execution caused a new upsurge of revolutionary sentiment. In 1912, the State Duma of the fourth convocation began its work. She turned out to be more oppositional than before. The Octobrists, who had won 98 seats, were now also inclined towards the opposition. So Russia stood in 1913 not only on the threshold of the First World War, but also on the threshold of new upheavals.
And what about Nicholas II? The Autocrat of All Russia again plunged into religious mysticism. Now Grigory Rasputin appeared next to him. This rogue, who had some abilities to heal people, was pushed to the throne by the same Jewish-Masonic mafia. Rasputin was found by the Jew Viyaver, widely known at that time in Masonic circles, who introduced Rasputin to Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. After Rasputin was received at court, a secretary, Aaron Simanovich, was assigned to him. Simanovich, in planning the activities of Rasputin, was assisted by a whole group of advisers: Moses, Mapusevich-Manuilov, Ginzburg and Rubinstein - a banker named "Mitya". They then turned Nicholas II and his wife, during the First World War, into the laughing stock of all of Russia. This group needed Rasputin at the throne so that Nicholas II could not rely on people like Stolypin or even more decisive and capable.
The situation was no better in foreign policy. In the period following the Russo-Japanese War, Russia's foreign policy impotence was complete. Under the influence of this impotence, the character of the Franco-Russian alliance changed. Before the war with Japan, it was a pact of equals. Now France began to dominate this alliance. French loans also helped. The chiefs of the French general staff began to give orders to their Russian colleagues, only out of politeness calling them "wishes." Having achieved, together with the United States, the defeat of Russia in the war against Japan, England changed its attitude. The growing military power of Germany, in particular the adoption of this large shipbuilding program, pushed her to this. It all sounded like Germany was seriously determined to snatch Neptune's trident from Britain's hands. In this regard, it was very necessary to enlist Russian cannon fodder. In 1907, on the initiative of Edward VII, the conception of the Anglo-French-Russian accord took place.
Wilhelm II, not without reason, saw in this "the policy of encircling Germany." And in search of ways out of it, he began to lean towards a preventive war, while Russia was not yet strong from shocks, and while it was still possible to rely on the Austrian ally
An explanation of the reasons and a corresponding discussion can be found on the page Wikipedia:To be deleted/September 11, 2018 . |
Military reforms 1905-1912- transformations in the Army and Navy of the Russian Empire, caused by the defeat in the Russo-Japanese War.
Army
In 1905, the General Staff of Russia was separated from the General Staff with the establishment of the post of Chief of the General Staff, directly subordinate to the Sovereign. This was followed by the creation of the main department of the General Staff. But the situation of 1905 lasted only until 1908, when the chief of the General Staff, following the views established over the course of a century, was again subordinate to the Minister of War, and in 1909 was deprived of the right to report directly to the emperor. However, the establishment of the post of assistant minister of war with broad economic rights and powers led to the fact that the minister of war was essentially responsible for the duties outlined for the chief of the General Staff according to the situation in 1906, and for his concerns about the combat preparation of the state and troops for war, the minister of war became much freer, while maintaining a personal report to the emperor and influence on all other affairs.
With the centralization in 1905 and in 1911 in the General Headquarters of the Higher Administrative Administration of the Army, a significant part of the affairs from the main administrations was transferred to the General Staff and the main administration for the housing allowance of the troops was re-formed, and the main administration of the Cossack troops was completely abolished.
The Main Engineering Directorate was renamed the Main Military Technical Directorate, which combined the technical side of the modern equipment of troops and theaters of military operations with all the necessary means. This was followed by the development of corps management in the army, and at the same time the expansion of the range of actions of the division headquarters. The corps acquired a completely independent significance not only in administrative and command relations, but also in economic terms. The corps reorganization was also associated with the transformation of the management of artillery and engineering troops, which became part of the corps and divisions in the order of management, and for the purpose of special technical supervision of the training of engineering troops, the position of engineer-inspectors (later - inspectors of the engineering unit) was established in military districts, whose duties were also assigned to the inspectorate in engineering and over the fortresses.
A project for the reorganization of artillery was developed.
During the transformation of the military administration of the army, attention was also paid to the ratio of reserve and field troops between their various branches and to the development of special military units. The new deployment of troops across the territory of the state achieved the benefits of uniformity, ease of deployment of troops, improvement of their life and conditions for their concentration to the borders in case of war. The development of the railway and general road network, the reconstruction of the fleet and the reconstruction of fortresses went on a level with this.
The shortcomings of weapons, modern technical means and various kinds of stocks were replenished. Increased the productivity of state-owned factories of the land and sea departments in order to boost the domestic industry and, if possible, avoid orders from abroad. All combat units were equipped with machine guns; all field artillery was rearmed with new rapid-fire guns; reserves of telephone, demolition, railway and aeronautical property were created; a special automobile company was formed, etc. Particular attention was also paid to the development of aeronautics.
The charters of all military branches and the Field Manual were revised and published again. A number of instructions were published defining the terms of reference of various institutions in the most important military matters, as well as a number of military scientific works.
The new charter on military service, which entered into force in 1913, made a significant change in the procedure for apportioning the draft, accepting and examining recruits, as well as determining conscription benefits, and radically changed the procedure for entering and serving volunteers. To rejuvenate the composition of the lower ranks of the reserve, the term of active military service was reduced (up to 4 years, and in the infantry and light artillery up to 3 years). The reserve is divided into 2 categories, and in the first place, during mobilization, the youngest and small families should come from the reserve to the troops. The sovereign was instructed to take extensive measures to supply the units with extra urgent lower ranks - with the facilitation of their access to the officer rank, especially in war time.
The replenishment of troops with the specialists they required was expanded. To prepare for the military affairs of the youth, who were to serve military service, sports societies were involved.
More than 30 million rubles were allocated from the treasury to improve the life of the lower ranks of the army; the allowance of the lower ranks with salaries was tripled, tea, soap and bed allowances were introduced; special attention was paid to teaching the lower ranks to read and write and to organizing libraries for them; the order of clothing allowance for troops was radically changed; measures (administrative) were taken to streamline the relationship between the command and subordinate staff of the army and navy.
Measures were taken to free the troops from worries about the economy, from non-combat duties and free work, in order to give the troops the value of purely combat and combat units, which He wants them to be. Special uniform workshops, garrison bakeries, and other economic establishments were set up in which soldier labor was replaced by civilian labor; many economic affairs that burdened the troops were handed over to private entrepreneurs; the number of non-combatant posts was increased to smallest size. Paying attention to the presence of combatant lower ranks, the number of officer ranks who had the right to state servants was reduced, for which monetary allowances were introduced for hiring servants. Extensive measures were taken for the religious and moral education of the lower ranks, which resulted in the construction of many regimental churches and in paying the greatest attention to questions of the spiritual life of a soldier. The improvement of the soldier's life ended with the publication in 1910 of a new charter on internal service in the troops.
With regard to the command staff of the army, the concerns concerned the improvement of his life, the rejuvenation of the composition and, above all, the proper training of officers, re-established. Improved all aspects of the life of the cadets and cadets, the organization of training sessions. All cadet schools were converted into military ones, which significantly increased and, most importantly, brought to uniformity the educational level of the officer corps. The Mikhailovsky and Konstantinovsky artillery schools were expanded to 2 batteries, and the Nikolaev engineering school to a 2-company staff, and they again made it mandatory to complete a 3-year course. New curricula in cadet corps and general curriculum for military educational institutions were transferred to applied soil, thanks to which young officers graduating from the school arrive in combat units already prepared enough to train lower ranks and perform official duties. For all military schools, a particularly careful selection of educators and teachers was established, ensuring their preliminary training. Great attention was paid to the adaptation to the needs of the troops of the higher education of officers. The Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff, which trained officers primarily for the service of this headquarters, was transformed into a military academy with the right to be called the Imperial Academy and now have the goal of giving the highest possible number of officers a higher military education. The Quartermaster Academy was established to streamline the military economy in the troops and the commissary business in general.
Further measures to raise the educational qualifications in the troops were: the establishment of a rule that every artillery captain, before being appointed to the post of battery commander, must take a course of an officer artillery school; the establishment in some districts of special courses for infantry staff captains intended to occupy the positions of company commanders; an institution for raising the level of special military education in the troops and their technical training of officer schools: aeronautical, railway, gymnastic-fencing and officer classes of an automobile company. Along the way, the programs in the officer schools that existed earlier were significantly expanded: the activities of the officer rifle school were expanded and the "Regulations on the officer cavalry school" were changed. The "Instruction for officer studies" was revised; in addition to the war game, tactical tasks on the plans and in the field, drawn Special attention to present reports in officer meetings on various branches of military knowledge with the aim of broader familiarization with military equipment and the characteristics of all branches of the armed forces. A higher attestation commission was established and new rules for attestation of all military personnel in general (except for the lower ranks) were developed, and the right of attestation was granted to boards, the composition of which depends on the official position of the person being certified; with the same goal of raising the moral level in the troops, the effect of the court of honor was significantly expanded, extended to staff officers and employees in military departments.
Recognizing the need to rejuvenate the command staff and accelerate its renewal, a new order of promotion in ranks, new norms for candidates for the post of regiment commander and the age limit for commanding officers, from the battalion commander to the commander of troops in the district, inclusive, were established. This age limit was important not only for the retention in the service, but also for enrollment in candidates for the highest positions and appointment to them. Recognizing that these measures should reflect on the property. condition of military personnel, it was indicated in addition to the new salaries and housing money introduced gradually, from 1889, to increase the content of all combat officers from January 1909. At the same time, per diem, camp and marching money were increased, and with the introduction of a new certification system and age limit, special enhanced pensions were established for line officers, as well as benefits for other ranks leaving military service. The approved new pension charter retained 80% of the maintenance they received in their last position for the retiring combatant ranks, and the provision of a better pension was subsequently extended to other military personnel.
A special institute of ensigns was established and the position of non-commissioned non-commissioned officers was improved, measures were taken to prepare them as best as possible in special courses, and with the best provision for them and the arrangement of their life, more solid training of the troops was achieved. For the same purpose, admission to training teams in units was approved 2 times a year, with the admission of young soldiers here. In general, in the training of troops, combat training is of the utmost importance, while maintaining the inspection skills of the troops.
In 1910, the Officers' Course in Oriental Languages was abolished, and the training of officers with knowledge of Oriental languages was entrusted to district special schools.
The transformation of the military prison unit was started, transferred to the jurisdiction of the main military-judicial department, for which a special military-prison department was established under it.
The military medical unit was transformed into a military sanitary unit, which was based on the creation of a corps of medical orderlies and the organization of military medical care on the basis that best meets the needs of the army, especially in wartime; the position of military doctors has been improved and measures have been taken to form an officer military sanitary corps from them; the Imperial Military Medical Academy was reorganized with the aim of accustoming doctors to the requirements of military service in peacetime and wartime; measures were taken to train the necessary number of orderlies in the troops, etc.
Fleet
The life of sailors was improved and access to the naval service was opened to the most energetic public elements by turning the naval school into an all-class marine corps, measures were taken to rejuvenate the command staff of the fleet, combat requirements were increased, attention was paid to supplying ships with all technical improvements and, in general, everything that was required by the current state maritime business. The management of the maritime department was reorganized and the Naval General Staff was created; the ship economy was streamlined; for each branch of the maritime service, schools were created, both lower (Jung School in Kronstadt) and higher; measures were taken to train the ranks of the Naval General Staff and the Nikolaev Naval Academy was reorganized; the pilot part was expanded; great development has received scuba diving; the air fleet was introduced in connection with the sea fleet; a closer connection was established between the work of the maritime and military departments for the preparation of joint actions of maritime and land forces; the experience of subordinating the seaside fortress to the maritime department was gained.